Colloquium
on Derek Bickerton’s
contribution to creolistics and related fields
ABSTRACTS |
Bickerton
and lectal dynamics
Genevieve Escure
University of Minnesota
Dynamics of a
Creole Grammar (Bickerton 1975) has undoubtedly identified
creolistics as a separate subfield within the discipline of
linguistics. His discussion of basilectal, mesolectal, and
acrolectal linguistic features has had a lasting impact on
our understanding of the creole continuum—beyond those
creoles that have an English lexical base, such as Guyanese
and Belizean.
Bickerton’s
work on lectal shifts has definitely inspired my work in Belizean
Creole. I will discuss the challenge of establishing lectal
boundaries in creole continua, and defining native speakers’
repertoires, comparing Bickerton’s findings and those
I derived from my observations of Belizean variation in the
Stann Creek District of Belize.
It is interesting that the consensus in creole studies is
now that creoles are structurally no different from other
natural languages. In fact, Bickerton said so, too:
…
a number of what might seem to be characteristically creole
forms are found elsewhere within pan-English – in
non-standard dialects, in maturational development, and
in types of performance error to which any speaker of English
might on occasion be liable. (Bickerton 1975: 22)
So, what have we learned
about the creole continuum in the last thirty years? This
discussion will endeavor to review this issue in the light
of various studies of linguistic variability in Creole communities—
all characterized in terms of their relatively recent history
of traumatic social contacts.
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The
development of creoles in Hawai‘i and the Caribbean:
How similar were the ecologies?
Salikoko S. Mufwene
University of Chicago
The following two assumptions
about the development of creoles have been almost universally
accepted: 1) The contact ecologies that produced them are
very similar, if they are not identical, especially regarding
the kind of linguistic heterogeneity that made it critical
to develop a “medium of interethnic communication”;
2) creoles have developed according to the same evolutionary
master plan, regardless of whether or not we factor in “decreolization”
and/or Derek Bickerton’s “pidginization index”
(1984), which account for variation among those that share
the same lexifier. Both assumptions have virtually survived
the ongoing debate about whether creoles really developed
from erstwhile pidgins.
Hawai’i has figured
prominently in Bickerton’s arguments for the pidgin-to-creole
evolutionary trajectory and in support of the discontinuity
hypothesis relative to the lexifier. In this paper, I invoke
data from the socio-economic history of the colonization of
this archipelago by Europeans, especially at the time of the
introduction of sugar cane cultivation, the main catalyst
industry in almost all cases associated with the development
of creoles. I compare these facts with what we know about
the Caribbean. I also capitalize on my observation in Mufwene
(2000) that “creolization” is a sociohistorical,
not a structural diachronic, process; and I take into account
the differential fates of the substrate languages in the Caribbean
and in Hawai’i. I then address the following question:
Can one easily generalize from the Caribbean to Hawai’i
or vice versa?
Re-examining recent
publications by Hirokuni Masuda and Sarah Roberts, I address
the following other questions: 1) Did Hawaiian Pidgin English
(HPE) and Hawaiian Creole English (HCE) develop in exactly
the same settings? 2) Did HCE really develop from HPE? 3)
Were there counterparts of HPE in the Caribbean, or should
we rather look for counterparts of Pidgin Hawaiian in the
Caribbean? 4) What role did Hawaian Pidgin play in the development
of either HPE or HCE? 5) And what role are Caribbean “baragouins”
(as the French labeled those varieties that developed from
Europeans’ interactions with Native Americans) likely
to have played in the development of Caribbean creoles?
Finally, I will address
the following evaluative question about the contribution that
creolistics can justifiably be expected make to general linguistics:
Can creolists have been prevented from learning informative
lessons about the role of socio-economic ecology in an otherwise
normal differential language evolution anywhere by the following
factors among a host of others: 1) too much eagerness to treat
creoles as interesting deviations from “normal”
language evolution; 2) precocious zeal to account uniformly
for developments that have really varied from one setting
to another; and 3) disregard for the complex history of population
movements and for the kinds of interactions among the relocated
populations when the nature of the research on the development
of creoles militates that such factors be incorporated in
our analyses?
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Language
evolution
John Schumann
University of California at Los Angeles
This paper will discuss
several issues raised in Derek Bickerton's theory of language
evolution: 1) the source of grammatical structure in fully-fledged
language, 2) the reasons for lack of structure in protolanguage,
3) the nature of what evolved in language evolution, 4) the
problem of composed language, 5) the structure of sentences
and the structure of conversation, 6) neurobiological prerequisites
for language, 7) emergentism and Baldwin effects, 7) changes
in the brain to accommodate language and changes in language
to fit the brain, 8) what pidgin languages, signed languages,
and second language acquisition may be able to contribute
to our understanding of language evolution.
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The Language
Bioprogram Hypothesis and history
John Victor Singler
New York University
I will assess the place
of the Language Bioprogram Hypothesis (LBH) in the history
of creole studies, and then assess the place of history, specifically
social history, in the LBH.
The place of the
LBH in the history of creole studies. From the nineteenth
century onward, Two Questions have shaped creole studies:
a) How does a creole language come into being?, and
b) Why do creole languages share so many fundamental properties
regardless of a given creole’s lexifier and substrate
languages?
In modern efforts to answer the Two Questions, Derek Bickerton
has been creole studies’ most prominent scholar and
the LBH the pivotal concept, from its initial formulations
in the 1974 Working Papers in Linguistics article
through Roots of Language to the 1984 formulation
and ultimately the 1988 reformulation. Certainly Bickerton’s
ideas grew out of previous creole scholarship, e.g. the work
of Douglas Taylor. However, what Bickerton did in the LBH
that had not been done before—and this remains his central
contribution to the field—was to locate his answer in
the architecture of the brain rather than in, for example,
the social circumstances in which creole genesis took place.
The place of history
in the LBH. Despite the widespread attention to the LBH
outside of creole studies, creolists—the scholars who
ought to be best able to appraise the LBH—have largely
rejected it, at least in its most complete form (cf. Arends,
Muysken, & Smith 1995). The bulk of the present paper
is devoted to assessing one strain of creolists’ criticism
of the LBH, namely the version of history that underlies it.
As part of the LBH,
Bickerton distinguishes between those languages that are created
catastrophically (creoles) and those that are created gradually
(all other first languages). For the distinction between the
two types to hold, the two must arise in drastically different
social circumstances. Thus, even though Bickerton has argued
that it is not the social setting of creole genesis that makes
creole languages what they are, he has had to posit a particular
social setting for them that apparently holds only for them.
It is true that, if there is a difference of type in language
genesis as Bickerton asserts, a difference in social circumstance
is necessary. However, as I have argued elsewhere (along with
Arends and others), evidence from a range of disciplines—history,
demography, and anthropology—makes clear that the cultural
matrix of the relevant instances of creolization could not
have been what Bickerton and the LBH require it to be. Further,
evidence from contact linguistics undermines Bickerton’s
claim that creoles are sui generis. Taken together,
these types of evidence falsify not only the history component
of the LBH but also Bickerton’s claim that creole grammar
is linked more transparently to brain structure than is the
grammar of other languages. |
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