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| Index / Volume 4 / Volume 4 No. 15 |
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"See the Sample Home On Display."
That's a line from Ernie Nowell's advertisement telling of the advantages of building and living on the Aina Haina land he's selling for. Robert Hind, Ltd.
But when William K. C. Fung, World War II vet, tried to see and enter the home Nowell, the builder, had constructed for him on the land Nowell, the real estate broker, had sold him, he had to get the police department's help. It was the tip-off to a situation which has caused at least eight home owners to withhold more than $5,000 in payments they were scheduled to make. Nowell, the subdivision impresario.
A week earlier, Fung had been inside the house when Nowell and two of his employes entered and carried him out physically. But Fung was only one of a number who have withheld part of their last payments to Nowell for homes because, they say, Nowell used inferior material in part of the construction. Nowell maintains they cannot occupy the homes until they have fully paid for them.
The owners hold to the contrary, that they already own the land, and they show titles from Robert Hind, Ltd., to prove it. They are justified in withholding part of their final payments, they insist, because they have unsettled claims against Nowell, the builder.
Specifically, the complainants charge that Nowell substituted a type of "pinworm" wood for a "clear KD" type which was specified in the plans. Because of that substitution and other minor changes, at least eight of them have determined to withhold amounts of from $300 to as much as $700 from the last of the four payments they contracted to make in payment for the houses and lots. The costs of the homes vary according to desirability arid size, but Nowell, as broker, sold the lots, which belonged to Robert Hind, Ltd., and contracted to build the homes.
Year's Wait
Actually, it is reported, the "Ernie Nowell Construction Co." has little equipment and operates largely through a system of subcontracts. Also, it operates very slowly. One man who signed a contract in July, 1950, expecting his home to be completed in the stipulated 90 days, is still waiting for the job to be finished, more than a year later.
According to the contract terms, the payments are divided into four equal parts: The first is to be made when the materials are assembled on the ground, the second when the roof is on, the third upon erection and completion of the four walls, and the last upon completion of the house.
"City In the Making"
But in a number of cases, Nowell has completed the construction only through two or three of the specified stages, and the expectant homeowners are waiting long after the date they should have been living in the new houses in what Nowell's advertising calls a "City In the Making."
"The kid is stuck," said an informed source, speaking of one of these long-suffering buyers. "He has to pay interest on the principal of the loan he got to make the payments, and he has to keep on paying rent where he's living month after month." When Nowell received the last payment's from several of these men, after their homes had been completed, and noted the deductions for claims against him, he tried to keep them from moving in, pointing to a clause of his contract which says the price must be paid in full before they move in.
One young man borrowed a key from a carpenter overnight, got a duplicate made and occupied without official permission of Nowell.
Another, who said his wife was desperate, admits that he "broke in," though he had a deed to the land he was breaking into.
Carried Out of Home
Fung's incident occurred late in September when he was out one weekend inspecting the place. Ordered out, he sat down on the floor and was eventually picked up and carried out by Nowell and his employes. It all came off quite peaceably, though Arthur, a brother of William Fung, was perturbed enough to suggest forcible resistance.
The next weekend, having secured legal advice and having advised the police department of the situation, he came again and this time a policeman was on hand. Nowell was not present that time but a henchman said the
house could not be turned over yet. Asked why not, Nowell's man said the bathtub was wrong. Fung said he would accept it and pay any difference, there might be.
Finally Nowell's man refused to say anything more and Fung asked the officer to assist him in removing the man as a trespasser from his, Fung's property.
"Citizen's Arrest" Considered
Fung prepared to make, if necessary, a "citizen's arrest" in the "name of Hawaii Nei." But that became unnecessary when Nowell's man muttered he didn't want any trouble, and vanished.
There at present, the matter rests, except that those who have not yet occupied their homes wonder if they, too, will have to call policemen to escort them.
A device Nowell has used to discourage the withholding action is a document of his own which he asks buyers to sign before he turns over the keys to the houses. That document states that the signer accepts the house, the material and the work as satisfactory, and buyers have been refused keys if they refused to sign. Some have signed, it is reported, just to avoid trouble, though they are not satisfied with the "pinworm" wood.
Nevertheless, a number of young men, part of what Nowell advertises as "a community of young people whose home ownership and families grow in a well laid foundation of American ideals . . ." have refused to sign: Besides Fung, they include Noburo "Mike" Tokunaga, Allen Joy, William White and Don S. Okubo. Others who have not yet occupied their homes, indicate that they, too, will withhold portions of their last payments against claims they feel they have against the contractor. Nowell's advertising, in the meantime continues, but there may be some omissions, though the impresario's large display in Sunday's Advertiser consumed something like 40 column inches. Numbers of advantages are mentioned, but no mention is made of the fact that there may be some delay in the building.
Just Pay Money
"What do you do?" the Nowell advertisement asks, then answers: "Well, just bring enough money to put a deposit on the homesite of your choice while you choose the room, arrangement of your choice."
But don't choose "clear KD" for the woodwork, or you may get "pinworm."
Nowell's real estate activities were the subject of a hearing of the Real Estate Commission in August, the RECORD learned, and Kinji Kanazawa, secretary of the commission, says that hearing is not yet closed. No-well's advertising, he admitted, was a part of the basis for that hearing.
The Nowell case is still in the investigative stage, Mr. Kanazawa indicated.
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By Edward Rohrbough
Harold Rice was slapped down solidly at the Nov. 1 meeting of the Hawaii Aeronautics Commission.
In a move specifically aimed at the Rice-inspired over-expenditures on the Kahului airport, already totalling many thousands of dollars, the commission passed a rule forbidding any expenditures by any airport manager except for operating expenses and emergencies. It also suspended work on the Kahului airport.
"Of course there will be exceptions," said Kauai Commissioner Dorsey W. Edwards, "but the guy who makes the exception had jolly well better come in here prepared to defend what he did."
Director Approves
The move had the apparently strong approval of Director Peyton Harrison, who was censured at earlier meetings for not doing more to limit the Rice expenditures at Wailuku.
Harrison said he wasn't particular what plan of limitation was adopted "as long as the airport managers don't have anything but maintenance to pay."
Others Blamed for Maui
A plaintive note came from Hawaii Commissioner David Furtado, who nevertheless was one of Rice's most articulate critics.
But Furtado said: "We're all being punished because of Maui."
"We're not interested in punitive action," a member replied, "but if it can happen at Maui, it can happen anywhere else and we've got to tighten up."
What happened, as reported in last week's RECORD, was that the HAC, having appropriated $15,000 for a terminal building at Kahului, found itself obligated to the tune of some $70,000, with more expenditures in the offing:.
The field still belongs to the U. S. Navy and the strongest indication the HAC has that the Territory will ever get it is a promise from Rep. Carl Vinson that he win push a bill authorizing the transfer. The bill has been in committee in Congress for more than six months. Although contracts for the work at Kahului were signed by the airport manager, William Neilson, and HAC Director Harrison was censured in a report of the HAC finance committee, the expenditure is openly called the result of the activity of Harold Rice, member from Maui.
'Rice's Way"
Irritation of commissioners at Rice, though it was just beneath the surface of last Thursday's meeting, flared out most openly in the comment of Purtado who said: "Now I know what 'people mean when they say they don't mind, so much the things Harold Rice does as they do the way he does them."
Commissoner Rice, sitting next to Purtado, smiled benignly at the outburst.
Generally unruffled at the criticism, Rice plugged steadily at the project of moving as much equipment from Puunene to Kahului as possible. There will be the expensive proposition in the near future, Rice said, of moving the B-2 lights from Puunene.
Furtado, again, harking back to the main theme of over-expenditures, commented: "This will all be settled if the commissioners leave the airport managers alone."
No one present doubted that he referred to the relationship between Rice and Neilson, the Kahului manager. Another member put in that he had talked to Neilson and had got the impression that it would not hamper the work there to have purchases made through the main office in Honolulu.
Haven't Seen Plans
As the commissioners began asking how much it's going to cost to complete the Kahului airport, it developed that not even Harrison has seen any plan Commissioner Roy Bright also asked to see the plans, commenting that "It will be grossly unfair to the people of Maui if we don't build the best airport we can."
Several commissioners recommended that work at Kahului be stopped until the commission has had a chance to study the plans. Such a stoppage would entail the layoff, at least temporarily, of a number of Maul County workers employed on the project, and the suggestion goaded Commissioner Rice into a statement. "I'll pay those fellows," he said, "if you don't want to keep them on."
Commissioner Edwards, boring back at the main point again, said it has been very difficult to get funds on Kauai—that financing had been done by loans—and ended with: "I don't think it's right) that we have to build our stuff on bonds and then turn around and play Santa Claus for Maui." In spite of the decision to suspend work at Kahului, Bice said again that he would pay the workers from his own pocket to continue the work and there was more than a mild suspicion that the project will continue under whatever one-man steam Rice can give lit.
"The trouble is," said one commissioner afterward, "Rice is retired and he has nothing to do but stay down there at Kahului and push the job. Maybe the Territory should be glad; I don't know. But that's where the trouble is."
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Because I was brought up on a coffee farm in Kona and toiled there until my mature years, I have a deep and sustaining interest in farms and farmers. Therefore, I wanted to observe the sharecropping system while in the South.
When I attended the University of Georgia at Athens during the school year of 1940-41, I took frequent walks to the outskirts of town to talk to farmers, both Negro and white. I saw dilapidated farm shacks, seemingly in the last stages of general decay, where Negro families lived. There was a school building in almost the same condition where Negro children studied.
During the cold winter months in various places in Georgia, Negro students do not go to school. It is too cold to study, for either the school buildings are full of cracks and holes or there is no appropriation for heating fuel, or both. These students are taught by Negro teachers, many of whom had not had the same opportunity for training in the segregated colleges, as did the white teachers.
The white students enjoyed better facilities. Thus when I heard the often-used terms, the "American Way" or "making better citizens," I wondered if the speakers realized what they were saying. Which was the "American Way"—the life enjoyed by the whites alone, or the whole social pattern of master and oppressed relationship? There was nothing to boast about in either case. The life which the Negroes led certainly could not have meant the "American Way" to those who used the term.
The Negroes were kept from voting to exercise their public responsibility. They were segregated, kept from attaining decent education. They could not eat in public places or sit in movie houses or buses with the white. But they were hired to cook the food or non-Negro customers in restaurants or private white homes, and to do janitorial work in movie houses and churches, some of which segregated them while others banned them altogether.
I wondered how the white people actually felt toward me. I noticed that a Chinese family, the only Oriental people in Athens to my knowledge, lived what seemed to me to be a lonely existence. When I used to pass their shop I noticed that their social activities were severely restricted by the pattern of segregation. They were not accepted by the whites because of their color. The Negroes who were inhumanly discriminated against and constantly "shown their place" through lynching and other violent methods, kept to themselves. And the attitude employed against the Negroes by the whites was carried over in their dealings with the non-white people like the Chinese family and myself, although not in the extreme form.
The "gook" attitude toward Koreans by certain Americans in the present war and the "slopey" attitude toward the Chinese during the last war are part and parcel of this white supremacy. The mouthing of the "American Way" and "democracy" must therefore, be alarming to Asians who have been victims of Western imperialism with all its ramifications of white supremacy. They see today, Korean civilians maimed and destroyed by area and napalm bombings. They are told in propaganda that such destruction is part of the fight to preserve freedom. But Negro troops are segregated in Korea. At home in the U. S., non-whites do not enjoy equal rights. Years later I learned at first-hand that these conditions are quite clear to non-white people, especially in colonial areas.
At the YMCA where I lived, its director, "Pop" Pearson, and its secretary, Miss Annie Foster, were very friendly toward me. They and the Negro janitors made my stay there extremely educational and enjoyable.
Freedom of Association Banned
I became intimate with the Negroes who worked at the YMCA but as I tried to build a friendly relationship, I noticed that this made them ill at ease.
Once when one of the janitors called me "Mr. Koji," shortly after my arrival in Athens, I asked him to call me "Koji."
He quickly replied: "No sir, Mr. Koji."
"Why?" I asked him.
"Mr. Koji, it is not proper. I respect you, Mr. Koji."
"Sure you do, and I respect you, too."
"No sir," he said, "I can't do that. It's not proper. But I thank you just the same, Mr. Koji."
I asked him to regard us as equals. He seemed uncomfortable and almost scared. After he had left I thought the whole matter over. He could have imagined that I was a plant who might stool on him if he adopted a familiar attitude toward me. He and the other Negroes lived in constant fear of the white supremacists who wanted to keep them "in their place." Actually, the white people feared any tendency that would make the Negroes conscious of independence and equality. And non-whites like me were denied the freedom of association with Negroes on an equal basis, the only way human beings can live with each other in self-respect and decency.
"There Is No 'Tobacco Road' In Georgia"
One day Margaret Mitchell, the author of the popular novel, "Gone With the Wind," visited the university. In the chapel where she spoke a student sitting beside me said: "She's the greatest writer Georgia ever produced."
"Why do you think so?" I asked.
"She wrote of the true, great South," he answered.
Actually, what Margaret Mitchell had done was to glorify the past that belonged to the slave-holders. She had actually portrayed the desperate struggle of a decadent class that went down fighting because it did not wish to give up its privileged position.
"I'm sure glad Miss Mitchell wrote of that ol' South. She recaptured that period for us; we Southerners won't easily forget," the student later said.
"What do you think of Erskine Caldwell as a writer of the South?" I asked him. "He writes trash. I don't care much for him," he answered.
"He writes about the present, about the life and death struggles of the poor whites," I said.
"There is no 'Tobacco Road' in Georgia," he answered.
Condition of the Poor Whites Is a Sore Spot
In the weeks that followed I tried to find out more about "Tobacco Road." This is the title used by Erskine Caldwell in describing conditions of the poor whites, in one of his novels.
Most of the students I talked to denied that there is such a, condition as brought out by Caldwell. I found that students in general resented the fact that the novelist made Georgia the locale of his book on poor whites.
One day a student talked to me in private after a group of us had discussed "Tobacco Road" and its writer.
"I have heard from a good source that Caldwell acquired first-hand information from the actual life of white sharecroppers. We resent the book because Caldwell set the scene in Georgia."
Why don't you go down to "Tobacco Road"? There is such a road. But don't expect the poor whites to talk to you, the student warned me.
"Tobacco Road" Can Be Anywhere
Then at the YMCA I met a student whose sister had taught school with Mrs. "Ira S. Caldwell, the writer's mother. He asked his sister to write me an introduction to the Caldwells and this she did for me. I intended to write a series of articles about the sharecroppers.
In her letter, my friend's sister asked me this: "There is one tiling I would like to ask you to include in the article and that is something to the effect that Tobacco Road can be anywhere in the world—not just in Georgia. Most Georgians resent the book because it gives Georgia as a setting. You really can't blame us."
Told I Was On a Wild Goose Chase
As the ground began thawing in the spring, I hitch-hiked to Augusta, about 100 miles away, during a weekend. I went to a teachers' convention there in hopes of meeting Mrs. Caldwell. I did not see her, but teachers I talked to indicated that I was on a wild goose chase in trying to find conditions written up by Caldwell.
Toward evening I headed for Wrens where the Caldwells lived, about 33 miles from Augusta. At nightfall I passed Tobacco Road and saw the wide, red-clay road running through barren land. There was no signpost since tourists have always taken them down since Caldwell popularized the name.
The following morning I met the Rev. and Mrs. Caldwell. They told me about their son who has always been a quiet observer, always questioning, always curious.
Mrs. Caldwell said he just presents a problem and "he never accuses. He never blames anyone in any of his works."
Ma Joad Had a Message
I thought of another contemporary writer. John Steinbeck in his "Grapes of Wrath" had written of the same kind of people the Oakies, who gave up their land or were forced off it. Yet Steinbeck had focused the bright ray of hope on the common people, who would keep on coming by the millions to fight fort their place under the sun, as Ma Joad says in the novel. Caldwell's characters in "Tobacco Road" are presented as completely beaten down people.
When I asked the parents if it was true that Erskine Caldwell had exaggerated, the Rev. Caldwell said it was for me to observe. He said he would take me around the sharecroppers' shacks. Before we left, Mrs. Caldwell asked her husband if he wanted to take clothes to the poor. She said the Jews of Pennsylvania, Boston, New York and Detroit areas sent clothes to them for distribution to the Tobacco Road people.
"They understand what suffering is. As a group, the Jews have already suffered a lot and many of them are thoughtful and generous," the Reverend said.
Tobacco and Snuff Drive Away Hungry Feeling
Mrs. Caldwell gave the Reverend some small coins.
"This is tobacco and snuff money," the Reverend said. "As you may know, tobacco is the main thing poverty-stricken people want It helps to keep them from wanting food they can't get. It gives a burning sensation inside and takes the feeling of hunger away."
The first farm shack we came to was that of the Amersons. Dude, in the book "Tobacco Road," is Dude Amerson. He was out selling wood in Augusta. His wife complained she was hungry, with nothing to eat in the house. She said the landlord gave the family a plot to cultivate but the men folks just didn't feel like doing it yet. Her skin was dry and cracked, her lips parched, her eyes sunken and her stomach bloated. She spit brown tobacco juice that rolled on the ashes in the fireplace. Her daughter-in-law, about 16-years-old, looked much older. She had snuff in her mouth. Her children, one aged three and the other a year, looked hungry and tired. The mother said there wasn't a spoonful of food in the house.
As we went from farm to farm, many shacks were vacant because sharecroppers move from farm to farm almost every year or two, hoping to hit a fertile field. With almost all sharecroppers doing the same, not taking care of the land, the soil gave less and less each year. It was a vicious circle.
Snuff and Cornbread for Generations
Everywhere we went we met poor-white sharecroppers who seemed too exhausted to work, and children with sunken eyes and bloated stomachs.
"A man must have decent food to eat. If he hadn't had much for generations, lived on snuff and cornbread, how much energy and desire would he have to work," the Reverend said to me.
He said that most people in nearby towns ignored these people and many do not know how much poverty and human degeneration exist. You have to go to the sharecroppers, he explained. They have been pushed back to the sand hills and have gone down with the poverty of the soil worked over and over, year after year.
When we returned to the Caldwell home that evening, I told the Caldwells about farming on leased land in Kona. We talked of land monopoly and the Reverend said the sharecroppers were beaten even before they started.
The Meaning of Tobacco Road
Before I left Wrens, Mrs. Caldwell asked me if I had learned what "Tobacco Road" actually meant. And she explained:
"It is poverty—poverty wherever you find it.
'Tobacco Road' is not only in Georgia; it is a belt road for poor folks that runs around the earth for people who have been pushed back by soil erosion, land tenancy and monopoly, and progress of physical science far beyond advances in social sciences."
I did not understand all that she said then. But since then, I have seen "Tobacco Road" conditions in the Far East. All people —Negroes, Asians, poor whites and Middle Eastern people—tread that road.
What is the solution? How can relief be brought to millions of land-hungry, exploited people? Who will help them? Can they solve their own problems?
I asked these questions. (To Be Continued)
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City Hall is no closer to fixing the responsibility for $77,000 worth of damage to the Ala Moana force main sewer line than it was back on June 14 when the RECORD first asked questions of officials and engineers. That is the inescapable conclusion of the reporter who goes about repeating the question today. . Partly, that's because no one is sure what caused the break in the sewer line in January when 14 links broke out of the line. Officially, there seems to be less certainty of the causes than in mid-June when George C. Wallace, supervising engineer of the sewers division, told Editor Ariyoshi the damage might be attributable to Matson's Hawaiian Fisherman, which dragged her anchor over the sewer line, or to the tug, Gail, which might have looped a cable on the line.
Today, Mr. Wallace refers the reporter to Chief Engineer Karl Sinclair, since a suit might be pending, and Mr. Sinclair has nothing to say about what he thinks the cause may have been.
Tactical Silence
"We have our ideas of what caused the damage," says Mr. Sinclair "and I guess Hawaiian Dredging has its ideas, but there's no point in telling them now."
Sinclair is concerned over the prospect of a suit since Supervisor James K. Trask recently brought the matter to the forefront of City Hall affairs and demanded that the blame for the damage be ascertained. Mr. Trask, the official currently taking the most active interest in the sewer damage, insists that someone must be at fault somewhere and he demands to know who.
"If the sewers division is at fault, we'd better know it," he says, "and if Hawaiian Dredging is at fault, then they should pay the damage." Under a proposal made informally by Hawaiian Dredging, the company has offered to assume half the damage cost, and this proposal has led some observers to feel the company is conscious of a greater responsibility than it has publicly admitted.
There is a rumor around that the damage may have been caused by a tug operated by Hawaiian Dredging. Others say Metcalf & Eddy, the Mainland firm which drew the plans, has also tacitly admitted responsibility by its post-accident recommendation that the sewer line be collared down by a ring, attached to piles, and covered with rock backfill. Since these provisions were not in the original plans, critics are inclined to ask why not?
To this question no official gives an adequate answer other than to state that similar lines have been laid elsewhere in Honolulu harbor without such extra precautions and no damage has resulted.
City Accepted Plan
Besides, the city accepted the plans from Metcalf & Eddy and it is improbable that any legal redress would be possible against that firm.
Back in June, officials said divers would have to be sent down to investigate the cause of the accident and the needs of the situation. That has been done, Mr. Sinclair says, by both the C-C department and Hawaiian Dredging, but the divers have not come up with any new answers.
What have the supervisors done toward independent investigation? John M. Asing, chairman of the public works committee asks: "What do you expect us to do? Go down in the water and look?"
That might not do much good, for according to Mr. Wallace, the men who laid the sewer were faced with the difficulty of working by feel—a situation encountered by any divers laying a sewer line in any muddy harbor.
No Outside Study
But the fact is that no engineer, independent of both the city and county and Hawaiian Dredging, has made a study of the job.
The figure of $77,000 is not, strictly speaking, an estimate of damage, but rather, the amount estimated that it will require to repair the damage and complete the job. It breaks down into three parts: $25,000 to repair the actual break, $25,000 to complete the original contract and $27,000 more for general expenses to cover contingencies not now known.
Hawaiian Dredging has already performed an estimated $15,000 worth " of work fishing the detached sewer links out of the harbor, Sinclair says.
"Maybe we won't have to spend the extra money," Sinclair says. "I sincerely hope not. But when you're working in 55 feet of water, I won't say that there isn't something we can't foresee."
Wait for Dillingham
At present a meeting is scheduled at which Hawaiian Dredging will give its answer formally as to whether or not it will really agree to share half the cost of the repair. When Supervisor Trask asked, impatiently, why they couldn't give an answer now, he was told they'd have to wait for the return of Walter P. Dillingham from the Mainland where he is visiting relatives.
Until Mr. Dillingham returns, the solution to the problem of the Ala Moana force main will have to remain in abeyance—as it has for the past five months.
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By Staff Writer
Julian Resma, 62, who has spent 35 years of his life loading and unloading ships for Hawaii, carrying people to and fro in his taxi and serving them on all kinds of odd jobs, shakes his white head in bewilderment as he stands before the desk at the police station.
"In all my time," he says gently, "I've never been here before."
On the other side of the desk, Detectives Henry Wong and George Gonsalves try to piece together the story of how three men, well known for such operations, got him into a "gambling" game at a Puunui St. address
Oct. 26 and took from him $6,650 a part of which represents his taxi.
What was the game?
"I don't know what kind of gamble that was," says the old man. "I never gamble before."
Ignorant of Game
He wouldn't have known whether he won or lost, he admits. The three men, Guillermo Bollianday, Emilio Saliza and Segundo Fernandez, assisted him in that detail, he says. They told him he had lost.
The old man has told the story to his friends and to union agent Henry Epstein, who accompanied him to the station Tuesday, but he is nervous about the police whom he has never encountered in 35 years. When he first appeared to make a complaint, he was afraid to admit he had been involved in a gambling game. Now the detectives are a little irritated with him.
"You're as bad as they are," reproves Wong. "You come in and give us the wrong story."
Victim Confused Mr. Resma becomes more confused and looks away while Epstein tells him the police cannot help him unless they get his story straight. It is decided to get an interpreter and that will make it easier for Resma.
While he waits, he tells the story more easily to Epstein arid a reporter. A man hired his taxi that day and ordered him to drive to the Puunui address, but when he got there, the man did not pay. Instead, he invited Resma to come inside to get his money. But once Resma was inside, he says, the man locked the door and introduced him to the game that was in progress. Before long he was induced to play, though he didn't know anything about the game, and later he was encouraged to get $6,000 which ha kept hidden in his automobile.
Carried Money In Car
Why did he keep so much money in his car? He explains that from time to time he wished to send money to his brother in the Philippines, SCK he had drawn it out of the bank more than a year ago to keep it near him—sometimes in his room in a wooden tenement house on lower Punchbowl St. sometimes in his car. When the $6,000 was gone, the men asked Resma how much he could get for his car, a 1947 Chevrolet sedan, then accompanied him to a garage where he sold it for $650. "I signed the paper," the old man says sadly, "and I signed the check."
And that was the end of all the money he has saved from his 35 years of work in Hawaii. He is a little too much shocked by his loss to comprehend it fully now, a neighbor says, and he didn't talk at all for several days.
Detectives who have heard the story doubt that anything can be done to recover his money, but they are investigating. Bollianday and the others are said to be too experienced in this kind of "gambling" to leave legal loopholes.
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United Nations, N. Y. (ALN) —In a strongly documented petition submitted to the United Nations, the New Guinea Chinese Union has accused Australia of discrimination and charged that all Chinese immigrants have been barred from the territory of New Guinea.
The petition was sent to Dr. Victor Hoo, assistant secretary-general for trusteeship and non-self-governing territories affairs. He was asked to place it on the agenda of the trusteeship council for discussion and action.
Since World War II
The union disclosed that all Chinese immigration to the territory of New Guinea has been banned by the Australian government and that this ban has been in force since the territory was placed under Australian administration after the war ended.
German and Italian nationals, on the other hand, are permitted free entry into the territory, although both countries are former enemy nations, the petition pointed out.
Another Injustice Cited
Citing another injustice, the union said Australians are granted the right of permanent residence in New Guinea after five years while the same right is denied to Chinese residents and their descendants. Many Chinese residents, the petition continued, came to New Guinea long before the war started, married Chinese born there and established family ties. Australia's discriminatory policy is having an especially bad effect on these people, the petition said.
The issue has been submitted to the UN because it was the trusteeship council that gave Australia authority over New Guinea.
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"For drug service after hours, call E. Fujimoto," says page 28 of the Honolulu telephone directory under the listing of Theo. H. Davies & Co., Ltd, and the phone number of Mr. Fujimoto's residence is given.
But if you call now, you probably won't get the service, for Mr. Fujimoto, an employe of supervisor status, has been laid off after what friends say is "at least 20 years" of service. The personnel department at Davies refused to divulge anything on Fujimoto at all, including his record of service. Charles Holt, personnel chief, said: "I don't know that he's been laid off."
But he must have meant he doesn't "officially" know about the layoff, for another employe in the same department said he had heard of it, but that no papers on the matter had come through.
Temporary?
Mr. Fujimoto admitted he had been laid off, but said he understands it is "only temporary." He! had no further comment to make. Davies' employes, who have noticed Fujimoto's absence from work since Monday, are speculating on whether or not the layoff is a further indication of the reorganization which saw a number of old, experienced employes laid off some weeks ago. That action was climaxed by a vote of office employes to be represented by the Joint Council of Teamsters, Local 79 (AFL). A. A. Rutledge, union agent, said Mr. Fujimoto's status as a supervisor would prevent him from being a member of the union.
No one has been moved into his position as yet, employes say, and they doubt that the department can function without a man in that position.
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A bail of $50,000 each set for 12 California Smith Act victims was ruled too high by the U. S. Supreme Court this week but Chief Justice Fred M. Vinson instructed defense counsel to reappeal bail reduction in lower courts on criminal conspiracy proceedings rather than habeas corpus writs used in the present appeal. Thus, while the bail is recognized to be excessive, the 12 defendants must go through another appeal in order to get the amount reduced. They have spent 106 days in a Los Angeles jail.
During the hearings Justice Hugo Black asked Solicitor General Philip Periman of the Justice Department: "Are all persons charged as Communists to be held at $50,000 to $100,000 and have Federal judges been instructed not to release them for less?"
Justice William O. Douglas, who, with Justice Black dissented in the Supreme Court's affirmation of the conviction under the Smith Act of 11 Communist leaders, sharply told Perlman that he seemed to assume that the 12 California defendants were already convicted, when their trial had not even come up. He said these people have the right to bail the same as anyone else and asked what communism has got to do with excessive bail.
"You can't disregard the Dennis case," replied Perlman.
Eugene Dennis is general secretary of the U. S. Communist Party and one of the 11 convicted leaders.
When Perlman mentioned the Dennis case, Justice Tom C. Clark, who was attorney general when the prosecution of Communist leaders began, asked: "What was the bail in the Dennis case?"
Perlman replied that it was $5,000.
Justice Felix Frankfurter seemed concerned about the manner in which the Smith Act is being used. The government's lumping all Smith Act defendants into one class troubled him, he said.
Referring to the 12 defendants, he asked Perlman: "Are these the top leaders?" Then he reminded Perlman that in arguing before the Supreme Court to uphold the lower court conviction of Dennis and 10 others, the solicitor general himself had "stressed the fact that 'the top leaders' made policy, were the most responsible and most effective, and urged us to consider that."
Chief Justice Vinson asked for the facts on each of the 12 defendants and Perlman answered that he did not know them. But Perlman was arguing to maintain the $50,000 ball for each defendant.
"How can you stand up here and argue if you don't know the facts?" the Chief Justice remarked.
In California, one of the defendants is campaigning for the San Francisco board of supervisors from behind jail bars. Her platform includes rent control, peace, housing, Fair Employment Practices law and civil rights. The campaign was rolling along although the candidate is unable to speak to the voters directly. Her supporters are carrying her message and spreading it among the constituents.
With the trial of the California defendants coming up, a Negro attorney joined the defense counsel. In a formal statement to the press, Attorney Leo Bran-ton, Jr., said:
"I somehow seem to remember that our oath of office dedicates us to the defense of the constitutional rights of all people, including unpopular minorities. But some of the issues of this case are of particular concern to me because of the special interest which the Negro people have in the right of protest and free expression. Our entire struggle to gain first-class citizenship has been a protest against the status quo. Any restraint placed upon the protection of the First Amendment in this case will inevitably have its effect upon the continual struggle of Negroes toward full equality."
Then commenting on the absence of many prominent attorneys from cases in which "persons charged as subversives have had difficulty in securing their basic constitutional rights," he added. "These are not times for lawyers to be driven into their shells. In difficult times such as alleged left-wing activity, Federated Press virtues become difficult, but in proportion as they are difficult, so also are they important."
American Civil Liberties Attorney A. L. Wirin, announced that he will defend three of the 15 Smith Act defendants. Three more besides the 12 who appealed for reduction of bail have been indicted.
The veteran civil liberties lawyer said he entered the case "because I am convinced that the Federal court in which they will be prosecuted for a violation of the Smith Act is the place to be for every lawyer who takes seriously the oath which he took to support the Constitution of the United States."
He said he considered the Smith Act "a gross violation of the First Amendment," and added:
"I deem it my duty as a lawyer, to speak out against the monstrous violations of civil rights which have accompanied prosecutions under the Smith Act and to contribute my share towards the attempt to halt the wave of hysteria sweeping the land against political dissenters."
Wirin is the fourth defense lawyer to enter the case. Besides Branton, Daniel G. Marshall, Los Angeles leader of the National Lawyers Guild, and Ben Margolis comprise the defense staff.
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NEW YORK—The International Union of Students, representing five million students in 71 countries, has cabled President
Truman, calling on him to dismiss the indictment of Dr. W. E. B. DuBois, world-famous Negro scholar and American Peace leader, and his associates in the former Peace Information Center.
The cable to President Truman declared: "On behalf of over five million students in 71 countries, the International Union of Students expresses its indignation at the prosecution of Dr. W. E. B. DuBois, internationally known scholar and spokesman for peace.
"DuBois' work for peace is in the best tradition of the American people. His prosecution is an attack upon peace supporters, upon the Negro people and upon the right of professors and students to act for peace. We join with peace-loving people throughout the world in the demand that you dismiss DuBois' indictment and persecution of U. S. peace supporters."
In a recent appearance before a Detroit audience, Dr. DuBois said: "Peace is not a subversive or foreign idea, but it is being made so today."
He told the Federated Press in Detroit that:
"The indictment holds that if one repeats what has been said in a foreign country that is considered prima facie evidence of probable guilt of being an unregistered agent. I am under attack because I have been outspoken.
"Big business wants everyone who exposes its intentions to be branded as a Russian agent or conspirator against the United States. It is to the interest of business to keep open the chances of exploiting colored labor and the fertile lands of the world where colored people live.
"Big business makes profits up to 50 per cent in colonial regions, but only 10 or 15 per cent here on its investments. Formerly, the British exploited foreign Lands. Today, the U. S. is doing it. There is more American money in Africa today than British money—and more in Canada, too.
"Most of the important appointments made by Mr. Truman since he became President have been Wall Street appointments. To keep a firm hold on exploitation abroad the U. S. must fight Russia. That is why an advocate of peace is officially considered subversive in the United States today."
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Washington (FP)—The Senate labor subcommittee under Hubert Humphrey (D., Minn.) is planning a legislative at-
tack on unions ousted from the CIO for alleged left-wing activity, Federated Press learned recently.
First step in the campaign, designed to legislate many of the unions out of business, will be publication of compiled records of the CIO hearings preceding ouster of the unions which declined to follow the CIO political line. This booklet, now at the Government Printing Office, will contain an introduction by Humphrey.
"After that," a spokesman said, "the committee will try to work out some legislative approach to the question of communism in U. S. unions." He said there probably would be no action on this phase until the second session of the 82nd Congress convenes Jan. 8. "Humphrey will be in Europe for a month or so," he said, "and other members will be out of town."
The subcommittee originally was established under Sen. James E. Murray (D., Mont.) in 1949. Last January, Humphrey was made chairman when Murray became head of the full labor committee. Other subcommittee members are Paul H. Douglas (D., Ill.), John O. Pastore (D., R. I.), Matthew M. Neely (D., W. Va.), Robert A. Taft (R., O.) Irving M. Ives (R., N. Y.) and Wayne Morse (R., Ore).
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A big pow-wow now going on among high officials at C. Brewer & Co., Ltd., may result in a top level shakeup, according to informed sources.
Unconfirmed reports in business circles say that Philip E. Spalding, president of C. Brewer, may be replaced. Mentioned as possibilities for the presidency to succeed Spalding if he should go, are Atherton Richards, former Hawaiian Pine executive, and Alan S. Davis, until recently president of Hawaiian Tuna Packers, Ltd.
Maze Said Out
William J. Maze, equipment expert of the Big Five firm, has been laid off, according to reports received by the RECORD. Mr. Maze is assistant vice president of the company. As the RECORD went to press it was not able to confirm whether or not his status as an executive of the company has been changed.
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Talk of a future move by Alexander & Baldwin, Ltd., to both expand and consolidate is moving Merchant St. to some speculation these days. The move, as rumored, would be to take over Pioneer Mill and the Wailuku Sugar Co. and to turn over McBride on Kauai to American Factors.
If this occurs, says one observer, A & B will have undisputed control of most of Maui's economic life.
"You may as well say they'd control the island of Maui," he clarified.
It's only talk at this point, but—.
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Portland, Ore. (FP)— Stanlley Earl, former ECA labor adviser in South Korea, who quit his post to be free to expose corruption in Syngman Rhee's government, recently received a letter from his ex-interpreter, Chai Mun Yung.
"Dear and honored friend," it read, "My pay as a lieutenant in the Korean army is not enough to support my family. I hesitate to impose upon one I adore, but could you send me $100,000, which will keep my family in food for a month?"
So Earl sent him the money, which in U. S. currency came to $20.
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By Phyllis Rosner
London (ALN)—Over 100 British novelists, playwrights, short story writers and poets met here at a weekend conference to discuss how they could spread a message of peace and international understanding throughout the world. Chaired by playwright Roger MacDougall, the conference stemmed from the signing of over 400 British writers of the Authors World Peace Appeal, which declared:
Hits War Propaganda "We writers believe that our civilization is unlikely to survive another world war. We believe that differing political and economic systems can exist side by side on the basis of peacefully negotiated settlements. As writers, we want peace, and through our work will try to get it; and pledge ourselves to encourage an international settlement through peaceful negotiation.
"We condemn writing liable to sharpen existing dangers and hatred. As signatories we are associated with no political movement, party or religions belief, but are solely concerned with trying to stop the drift to war. We invite all writers to support this declaration and tell us of their support."
Among the many famous writers who signed were Christopher Fry, Marjorie Bowen, A. E. Coppard, Sean O'Casey, Compton Mackenzie, Siegfried Sassoon, Sheila Kaye-Smith, L. A. G. Strong, Frank Swinnerton, Naomi Mitchison and Walter Greenwood.
Delegates to the conference voted to circulate this appeal throughout the world and eventually submit it to the United Nations. It is already being circulated in the U. S., France, Brazil, India, China, New Zealand, Australia, Germany and Canada.
War Greatest Threat Conference panels discussed such questions as: The degree of objectivity in the press on international affairs; Britain's overseas broadcasts and the extent to which they foster international understanding; relationships with writers in other countries; the possibility of launching a
Peace Book Club; war-conditioning themes in contemporary writing and what can be done to counteract them, and launching of a prize essay competition for children.
Coppard, one of Britain's best known short story writers, described how the current peace movement came into being. One night, he said, a dozen writers of all points of view were discussing the threat of war and what could be done to avert it. One of those present, a Roman Catholic, suggested that an appeal be sent to British writers. "And there and then," he said, "we drafted the appeal which you have signed.
"Our committee is exactly what it says it is—a body of writers who came together to do what they could to resist the helpless drift to a war which everybody fears," he went on. "We are openly and unashamedly for peace. Peace without any quotes. We see many threats to civilization, but none which equals the threat of war.
Not With Pro-War Elements
"We are asked by some of our colleagues to crusade against communism. We can speak for justice and freedom in other countries with a great deal more effect when we have publicly dissociated ourselves from those in our country, in our own camp, who believe in genocide, in lies and in the defense of freedom by napalm and area bombing. And if we are asked to consider the view that we cannot speak out against idiocy and in justice at home for fear of comforting our enemies abroad, we might as well shut up shop."
The conference sent a message to Winston Churchill, new British prime minister, welcoming his preelection pledges to work for world peace and urging him to use British authority to halt the deterioration in international relations. Role of Writers
"Negotiations should be opened immediately," the message said, "since further delay will, in our view, jeopardize the possibility of their success. No peaceful initiative by any country should be dismissed . . ."
Bringing the conference to an end, MacDougall reminded those present of C. D. Lewis' message of greetings in which he expressed the hope that the conference would "lead to agreement about practical steps which writers can take to stop the drift to war."
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Washington (FP) — Food prices rose another 0.7 per cent between Sept. 26 and Oct. 15, the Bureau of Labor Statistics estimated. That means another all-time high for consumers, although economic stabilizer Eric A. Johnston still insists the inflationary pinch is four months off.
The estimate was based on a special survey in Atlanta, Boston, Chicago, New York, Richmond, San Francisco and Washington.
The estimate raises the food index to 229.5 with 100 representing average food prices from 1935 to 1939. Food prices were 1 per cent above Sept. 15, 13 per cent above mid-June 1950 (pre-Korea), 9 per cent above a year ago and 0.8 per cent above the all-time high scored July 15, 1951.
Most important rises, the bureau said, were for fresh fruits and vegetables, beef and veal, dairy products and eggs. Fruits and vegetables rose 2.6 per cent during the 2-week period. Eggs rose 1.8 per cent; dairy products 0.7 per cent; meat, poultry and fish, 0.3 per cent. Beef and veal went up 2.3 per cent.
Ninety-seven per cent of Negroes are in families with incomes under $2,000 a year.
During 1950 there were 4,700 strikes in the U. S.—a rise of about 30 per cent above the previous year.
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By Eddie Ujimori
Maui—A testimonial luau in honor of Frank Serrao, secretary of Hawaii, will be held Nov. 10 at the Wailuku police pistol range, it was announced last week by Sen. John G. Duarte, chairman of the affair.
Mr. Serrao and cabinet members are scheduled to arrive at 2 p. m. on Nov. 10. They will meet with Democratic county officials, precinct officers and the membership prior to the luau which will begin at 6:30 in the evening.
There is no definite word on whether Gov. Oren E. Long will be present at the function, Sen. Duarte said.
Committee members serving with Sen. Duarte are Tom Tagawa, treasurer; John Lake, food; Manuel Molina, refreshment, and Lionel Duponte, master of ceremonies.
Between 700 and 800 people are expected to attend the luau, according to committee members.
Tentative plans for the weekend list inspection tours for the visiting party to schools, Iao flood control area, Kula Sanatorium and Hana on Nov. 11, and 12. The Keanae Democratic precinct club will give a luau to the visiting party at noon on Nov. 12.
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Promises were repeated by public officials to PTA members at Puunene School when Supervisors Robert Shimada and Shigeru Miura and electrical inspector Joe Okamote attended their meeting. Shimada had a solution to the water problem as he said: "A ten-thousand-gallon tank will be set up within a few weeks and a one-inch pipeline will be replaced with a two-inch line."
As to the electrical problem, Okamoto promised: "The wiring of the school will come to about $30,000 and this will be done as soon as complete estimation is made."
PTA members who have heard such talk before, did not get excited. They want action.
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A motion to send five delegates to the Hawaii Congress of Parents and Teachers convention to be held in Hilo on April 5, 6 and 7 next year, was defeated at the PTA meeting held recently. Another motion to send three delegates was also defeated. Objections were raised by Eddie Ujimori, who said that he is opposed to using funds derived from membership dues for the trip. He suggested that money be raised to send delegates.
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The Board of supervisors decided its chairman should ride in a Cadillac. Two supervisors, Francis Kage (R). and Shigeru Miura (D), did not feel that Eddie Tam should get a $3,900 automobile when any available funds should be used to improve schools and roads that need urgent repair.
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Santa Claus will not ride on one of the two fire engines at Wailuku. Virgil H. Hill asked the board of supervisors for the use of a fire truck to haul Santa Claus during a one-hour parade before Christmas.
Supervisor John Bulgo asked Hill if he were speaking for himself or for all the businessmen and merchants of Wailuku.
Answered Hill: "For myself and a few merchants."
Mr. Hill's request was voted down.
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"Cockeye" Dunn, executed in Sing Sing for the murder of a longshoreman.
Danny St. John, 20 arrests, tried twice for first degree murder.
Albert Anastasia, "Lord High Executioner" of Murder, Inc.
Timmy O'Mara, formerly of "Killer" Owney Madden's mob and the Ding Dong Bell mob. Those are the names of a few of the officials and a former official of Joe Ryan's Longshoremen's Association (AFL) against whose sell-out contract rank and file longshoremen of the East Coast are striking today.
Studding his material with names, incidents, and places, Columbia Broadcasting System's Irving Gitlin made radio history Aug. 16, 1951, with a broadcast expose of crime and the New York waterfront.
A shocked public demanded that the show be rebroadcast, telling again the story of "the greatest concentration of mob power in the world."
The script has been read over the air locally, in part, by an ILWU broadcaster, and you can read it in the current issue of the magazine, "True Crime Detective."
What Hawaii Kicked Out
In it is a picture of what happens when a union is taken over by racketeers—under the leadership of the same Joe Ryan whom ILWU longshoremen on the West Coast and in Hawaii gave the boot years ago.
Bill Downs, CBS newsman, who reads a part of the script, tells of the iniquitous "shape up," all but forgotten by longshoremen here, which leaves stevedores completely at the mercy of the hiring bosses for their livelihood.
"When the mobsters control the hiring boss," said Downs, "it breeds crime and worse. Assemblyman John R. Brook of Manhattan, has tried to get the shape up abolished. He was opposed by the shipping interests and by the longshoremen's union. He can tell you about it."
Brook says: "The men are caught in a net from which they cannot extricate themselves. The ones who work are the ones who have been able to curry favor with the pier boss, who have probably paid the highest tribute, who have patronized his friends and relatives, who have borrowed on their future earnings from his moneylenders at rates that impoverish him and deprive his wife and children of necessary food and clothing, They must do his bidding or else—no work, and no work, no pay."
Pier by pier, the broadcast names the hiring bosses of New York and New Jersey, together with criminal records which expose them as vicious offenders. Local 824, ILA, the CBS reporter says, is so full of gangsters it's known as the "Pistol Local."
As you listen or read, you wonder not because the rank and filers went out on strike, but rather at their courage in the face of the terrorism they have faced. It was only by omitting names and disguising voices that the CBS could get statements from rank and file workers at all.
Why won't they talk? Here's what a longshoreman said would happen if he did and the fact became known in his union.
Murder On Docks
"Well, you can always have an accident. They're very convenient. You could be walkin' and a guy could be raisin' a boom on a crane. The boom weighs about a thousand pounds, and I could just pull a lever and raise it and snap what we call the dog on it and down comes the boom—no more you! Either that, or they put you in a barrel and just throw the cement in and sink you. And then the mud in the Hudson, it has a suction of about 12 feet so after you hit bottom you go 12 feet into the mud and they ain't gonna find you no more."
Here's the way the mobsters move in on a longshore union local: It was disclosed by a Jersey City reporter who found that the secretary-treasurer had refused to open the safe on the mobsters orders.
"He was rewarded for his efforts with a gun butt across the mouth. It knocked out seven of his teeth and knocked him to the ground. They took several pieces of newspaper, put them on the floor of the union headquarters and set fire to them. Lucey's shoeless feet were forced into the fire and held there for several minutes. He suffered severe burns of the feet."
When mobsters are in control of a union local, their every effort is bent toward getting the longshoremen's pay.
Grab Dockers' Pay
"Compulsory gambling—if you don't play the numbers or bet with the bookie, you don't get called at the next shape up. Kick-backs are extorted, especially from Italian, Negro and Puerto Rican workers. The loan shark racket flourishes. You pay 10 per cent interest per week—520 per cent a year if you are unfortunate enough to hold a loan that long."
But the mob goes in for really big-time stealing, too, at the expense of the very shippers who applaud the ILA and its "anti-Communist" stand. A longshoreman tells how this stealing is done: "Well, let's say they want to steal $500,000 worth of watches from Switzerland. Well, they know what they want before the ship gets here. The checker is supposed to get the longshoremen to put the valuable cargo at certain spots on the deck. When they want to steal a certain article, the hiring boss tells the checker and the checker has him put it somewhere else. The checker never marks the cargo as comin' off the ship, see? It never did arrive in this country, so it's lost somewhere between here and Prance or wherever the ship comes from. Do you foller me?"
"Good Business"
Yet shippers, according to James Walsh of the New York Anti-Crime Committee, are chiefly responsible for the presence of racketeers in the ILA and on the waterfront. When one considers that they ignore stealing like the above, he can reflect on the thousands of dollars they must save in workers' wages.
He says: "The big thing we're up against is the attitude of too many businessmen on the New York waterfront who feel it's good for business to hire criminals. They say they're not reformers. They're in business to make money. If they had the choice of hiring a tough ex-convict for a boss' job or a man without a criminal record, they'll take the ex-con. The reason? They say the ex-con will keep the men in line and get the most work out of them." And that is a glimpse of the ILA which Hawaii dailies like to shake as a threat at longshoremen of the ILWU.
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"Our sisters have stood up!"
That is the slogan of the Shanghai Family Women's Association, the China Monthly Review of September reports, telling how enforcement of the new marriage law has freed thousands of women who had been held as concubines, or in undesirable marriages under the feudal system maintained under Chiang Kai-shek. An interesting reflection on the Kuomintang regime is that, although excellent laws were on the books, they were never enforced. With marriage, as with land ownership and tenant farming, the Kuomintang wrote excellent laws, and for years people lived in hope that they might be enforced. But when the situation grew worse after V-J Day, it became apparent that the Kuomintang laws were only a mockery of the people's hopes.
Not so the new Marriage Law which went into effect April 30, 1950. In the Shanghai People's court alone, 13,349 marriage disputes were disposed of in the first year the law functioned.
One of the tragedies for Chinese widows in the old days was the tradition which forbade them to remarry. Such a restriction is now forbidden.
Widow of 22 Freed
When a Miss Li Jien-chin, widowed at 22, fell in love with a man who worked in the office with her recently, the uncle of her deceased husband objected to her expressed intention of marrying him. It would be a great disgrace, he said, to the dead husband's family.
The Family Women's Association explained patiently to the uncle and other in-laws that times have changed in China and such an old tradition must go.
Finally the uncle agreed that (1) Li Jien-chin return her dowry and (2) that she should wait six months before remarrying, and that she should perform all the ancient ceremonial rites required of a widow.
In the final settlement, Li was allowed to keep her dowry and she was informed that the performance of the ceremonial rites was up to her. She could decide for herself what she wanted to do about them. Another case was that of Pang Shui-ying, employed as an entertainer at 17 at the theater of Lee Tse-hung. When the boss wanted to make her his concubine, she submitted because she was afraid of losing her job. According to her testimony, he forced her to give him all her earnings which he spent on gambling and other women.
After the new marriage law was promulgated, Pang sued for a divorce in spite of Lee's efforts to intimidate her. The divorce was granted and Lee forced to make a written apology to Pang.
According to the law, a man may now be sued for taking a concubine or for marrying more than one woman.
Warned, Then Jailed Another woman, Chu Mei-yin, appealed to the court when her brother tried to prevent her from marrying the man of her choice. The brother, who had actually inflicted bodily harm on Miss Chu, though warned by the Public Security Bureau, still persisted in trying to wreck his sister's marriage and was finally sentenced to a year in prison.
Ching Yin, who was betrothed to an old man when she was two years old, found herself married to him after she finished her first year in high school. The old man died six months after the marriage, and Ching found herself restricted to the household by a dictatorial mother-in-law. When at the age of 26, she fell in love with her dead husband's brother, the mother-in-law still raised the traditional objections. But the new marriage law gave Ching freedom to marry the man she had chosen.
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Labor-Industrial Relations
Bosses Have The Dollars
MINNEAPOLIS (FP)—A survey of jobs in industrial relations conducted by the University of Minnesota's industrial relations center reveals these figures:
UNION
Salary Hours Age Years of Education
Research Director......$4,106 47 36 Advanced Degree
Education Director.......4,500 48 39 Advanced Degree
Editor ..........................3,570 42 45 13 Years
Business Agent........... 4,200 59 44 10 Years
CORPORATION
Industrial Relations Dir...$8,770 45 41 College Graduate
Personnel Director............7,920 46 46 College Graduate
Research Director.............6,750 42 34 College Graduate
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San Diego, Calif, (FP)—A labor-supported proposal to fluoridate the city's water supply gained impetus so rapidly that, over the powerful objections of the Christian Scientist Church, San Diego has become the first large city in California to adopt this means of reducing tooth decay, particularly among children.
The City Council decided to augment the fluorine content in the water with enough additional fluorine to provide an effective deterrent to tooth decay, as has been demonstrated in many other cities throughout the country.
The Christian Science spokesmen opposed this treatment as compulsory medication. But the County Medical and Dental Societies, the City Health Board and the Parent-Teachers Association joined labor in the flouridation demands, pointing out that at a cost of only about four cents per person per year, heavy dental bills for children can be saved.
The Dental Society, acknowledging this would cut into business of dentists, pointed out that the community's dental need's for years have been overwhelming facilities of treatment. Addition of fluorine will have no effect on the taste, smell or appearance of the water, authorities pointed out.
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George Wallace supervising engineer of the division of sewers is in hot water bo much nowadays that his chief Karl Sinclair, feels impelled to protect him from criticism sometimes Among the things Wallace is called upon to answer for are the Ala Moana harbor sewer, a sewer in Kahala built by Moses Akiona and one on the Ala Wai golf course noticed by Supervisor Nick Teves the other day when he was playing around the fairways
So when the case of the unused cement sewer pipe came up, Sinclair didn't take it to the board at all The case arose alter a local company sold and delivered a quantity of this pipe to the sewers division which approved it and then laid it on the ground lengthwise After it had remained there for a long time, it flattened out to such a degree that it couldn't be used The engineering department was considering trying to get the company to stand good for the loss, though it was admitted that the company would have the best ground in any possible court battle Mr Sinclair made little secret of his distaste for subjecting Wallace to the kind of going over he might get from the board, what with the troubles he has now.
But if the pipe had been stacked on end, report is it wouldn't have altered shape—at least not before it was put m place and covered up with dirt.
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Much difficulty could be avoided, says a supervisor, in matters such as the above, if only department heads would give the facts frankly and freely to the board, even though they are at fault At a meeting of the public works committee, Sinclair accused the supervisors of giving him little help and much criticism
"How can we give him help," asks the supervisor "if we don't know all the facts? I'm getting so I don't trust the figures they show me when they say it's going to cost so much, I begin wondering if it's really going to cost a lot more"
There's the added thought that the mistakes of departments usually come out more glaringly in the end, if they're revealed by some outside source
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Here’s one for the book You have to be a high school graduate, or the "equivalent," to get a job in the fire department, But to be assistant chief, you need only five years as a captain, plus AN EIGHTH GRADE education!
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George Fujieki and his brothers will shortly start promotion in Japan of Dairy Queen products for which they have secured the agency there The Fujieki brothers are proprietors of the several Star Markets in Honolulu
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Takaichi Miyamoto, speaking at the Hallowe'en party sponsored by the Democratic Women's Division, said that although the rule of the majority is a well established American principle factions of the Democratic Party, though in the minority, have made splits twice when they chose to walk out rather than go along with the will of the majority
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It’s a shame to do it, but the truth is that Don Billam-Walker's information was all wrong about why Mrs Remedios Mayo, Wilcox
Hospital employe, didn't go for the deal some fleecers put up to her on Kauai last week. Billam-Walker had reported with understandable pride Friday night on the pineapple companies' program that Mrs. Mayo had become suspicious because she remembered what she had heard on that program.
In Honolulu this week for a visit, Mrs. Mayo was telling friends it just wasn't so—she never listens to the pineapple companies' program, though she does sometimes hear the JLWU program which precedes it. Broadcaster McElrath has often dealt with fleecing, too. But she doesn't credit any program with the fact that she told her boss to call the police. It was her own idea.
Billam-Walker has done a good job on fleecing with such cases as are reported to him, and he hardly deserves the letdown that must come from the misinformation given by his contact there, union-hating Charles Fern, editor of the Garden Island News.
The story was even better than Fern told him. No diamonds, phony or otherwise, were concerned, but the fleecers did threaten to use narcotics on her forcibly, Mrs. Mayo says.
So how comes the charge by the Kauai police of vagrancy?
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A haole oldtimer, reading Editor Ariyoshi's "My Thoughts," was moved to recall the plantation caste system. When he came years ago to a job at Kileauea, Hawaii, his wife went down to the plantation store and ordered a certain cut of meat. Before serving her, the clerk asked his boss if "Mrs. —————," wife of the plantation manager, had been, in yet, and whether or not she might want that particular cut.
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It’s rapidly getting so that the most exciting City Hall sessions come, not at the board meetings as you might expect, but at the meetings of the committee on public works, which meets Fridays. This past week's meeting saw the tempers of Engineer Karl Sinclair, Mayor Johnny Wilson, Deputy Attorney Frank McKinley and Harold Butzine of the bureau of plans, flare in various degrees.
McKinley probably took the most precarious position of the quartet when he asked Mayor Wilson why he fired Wilford Godbold, former C-C attorney, and was told that the reasons were not for public consumption. Wiseacres were wondering how much longer McKinley will be around at that rate, and whether or not reasons will be for "public consumption'' when he leaves.
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The participants remained hot under the collar long after Supervisor Jimmy Trask, the man who had started the ruckus, had left the meeting Trask set off the explosive afternoon by his questions as to whether or not the attorney's office is really snowed under with work and what is to be done about some of the outstanding problems. Trask has become the committee's major irritant in such matters, asking questions that start things popping. In more than a few of the cases, the popping has been all to the good so far as the taxpayers are concerned.
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THE HASP officer who investigated Sgt. Paul Shaffer's charges that a sailor had been shooting while drunk in Kilroy's (see RECORD two weeks ago) shook his head slowly when he. came down to the location and saw how the pistol was chained down. Apparently he had heard that the sailor had been firing all around the lot.
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San Diego, Calif. (FP)— The strange spectacle of one conservative Republican smearing another conservative Republican as un-American, is being publicy staged in California.
Lt. Gov. Goodwin J. Knight, who fancies himself a 100 per cent American, has unleashed a bitter attack on another Republican, Dr. Roy Simpson, state superintendent of public instruction, because Simpson doesn't, in Knight's opinion, stand for "sound American principles."
Wants "Red-Blooded" American Both Knight and Simpson were re-elected in last year's Republican sweep. Their terms go to 1954 and Knight has publicly announced an "oust-Simpson" campaign for that year. He wants a "real red-blooded American" named James Torney, San Mateo county school superintendent and American Legionnaire, to succeed Simpson.
Knight and Simpson had a falling oat when the latter courageously opposed the requirement by the state university board of regents that teachers take a loyalty oath. Simpson called this discriminatory legislation and pointed out that numerous tests of loyalty already must be passed by instructors before they can be accepted.
Smear Textbook Series Knight also was shocked when Simpson wouldn't goose-step into line with those who were smearing a supplemental textbook series, Building America, as virtual red propaganda because the books happened to acknowledge such facts of life as the existence of the Soviet Union.
Simpson was opposed during the last election by Bernadette Doyle, a Communist candidate who tallied more than half a million votes.
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San Francisco (FP)—In a surprise move, the Marine Engineers Beneficial Association (CIO) called off its strike against the Isthmian Steamship Co, in California. The International Longshoremen's & Warehousemen's Union thereupon agreed to unload Isthmian ships in California ports, including one which had been sent to Tacoma but was returned loaded.
Isthmian still has its contract with the newly chartered San Francisco local of the International Longshoremen's Association (AFL) but will make no effort to activate it until the courts have decided the whole issue of the Pacific Maritime Association contract with the ILWU. The union claims the pact is still in force, though Isthmian has resigned from the PMA. The ILWU respected the CIO union's picketlines and trouble had been expected after Isthmian indicated it intended to use the new ILA local to unload its ships. The showdown was averted when the MEBA decided to abide by Judge Clarence W. Morris' ruling that the strike was a jurisdictional dispute and cancelled its walkout.
MEBA Business Agent Randolph Merriweather, said the effect of Morris' ruling would be to "destroy the union." The engineers have filed a petition in California supreme court asking that the order be stayed.
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Tokyo (ALN)— Six crippled War veterans ended a nine-day hunger strike here after the government, succumbing to popular pressure, announced it would appropriate 20 billion yen for relief of war veterans next year. Hundreds of veterans, wounded in the war, demonstrated recently against unemployment and were attacked by police. The six hunger strikers were among those arrested.
Manufacturing corporations reported net profits after taxes of $3.3 billion for the opening quarter of 1951. This was 37.5 per cent higher than the $2.4 billion reported for the first quarter of last year.
Thirty leading oil companies reported net profits of $1.7 billion after taxes in the first quarter of 1952. This was a gain of almost one-fourth above the similar 1950 quarter.
In the academic year, 1950-51, rural teachers averaged only $2,200 a year or just about $42 a week.
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New York (FP)—An army deal to buy 250,000 woollen blankets to be made by inmates of Federal prisons was vigorously protested Nov. 1 by President Emil Rieve of the Textile Workers Union (CIO).
In a wire to President Truman, cabinet members, Army Quartermaster General George A. Horkin and Director James V. Bennett of the Bureau of Prisons, the union leader said:
"Placing such an order with the prisons at this time would be a flagrant violation of the national interest. It would be in complete conflict with the spirit and letter of executive order 7617 under which Prison Industries, Inc., was established in 1934."
The order specifies that prison work shall not impose an undue burden on private industry, Bieve said, adding: "In the textile industry today, particularly in the woollen and worsted centers in New England and the middle Atlantic states, thousands of textile workers are unemployed; thousands of others are working only part-time.
"It is bad enough that textile workers be suffering hardships in the midst of an inflationary period. It is intolerable for the government to deny them the work which normally would be theirs."
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San Francisco (FP)—During a waterfront dispute last summer Mike Schneider, a member of the National Union of Marine Cooks & Stewards, was so badly beaten by police that he required hospitalization.
Now 5-foot 5-inch, 120-pound Schneider has been sentenced to serve eight months in jail for "assaulting" the 10 husky cops who beat him up. He is out on $2,000 bail on appeal.
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The present dock strike on the East Coast further unmasks the scheme of the big employers and the Washington administration they control, to get Harry Bridges and other leaders of the militant ILWU.
Labor racketeer Joe Ryan, president of the International Longshoremen's Association (AFL) on the East Coast, is loved by the bosses. The rank and file does not respect him nor trust him. He uses goons, killers and gangsters to maintain his waterfront regime and employs the shape-up system of hiring that forces job-hungry men to kick back their pay, and engage in crime of various sorts. Neither the Justice Department nor the FBI harasses King Racketeer Ryan.
Bridges, on the other hand, is not the employers' "Good Boy." But the ILWU membership respects and trusts him and gives him their wholehearted support. Without their aloha he would probably have been deported or jailed long ago, for the Immigration Service, the FBI and other agencies doing the bidding of big employers, have done everything to get this .militant labor leader who sparkplugged the Movement to clean the West Coast docks of the racketeering shape-up system.
Now, what are conditions on the East and West Coast waterfronts?
Sixty per cent of the striking AFL longshoremen on the East Coast take home less than $1,600 a year. About half the strikers or 15,000, earn less than $400 a year. Kickback is taken out of these amounts. The pay is $2 an hour. Ryan accepted 10 cents more in recent negotiations with the bosses, but the strikers want 25 cents more. They defied Ryan's order to return to work.
On the West Coast, longshoremen under the ILWU contract, receive an average wage of $2.70 per hour. Seventy per cent of the dock workers make $5,000 a year or over, while 33 per cent earn from $8,000 to $10,000. The hiring hall gives equal work opportunities to all longshoremen. Some put in their full quota of hours, others don't. It's up to them. Thus, some pick up extra work. These workers have been enjoying self-respect for more than " 15 years, since racketeering was booted out with Ryan, from the West Coast.
The above pay scales, work opportunities, conditions and human decency or the lack of it, are the underlying causes of the present East Coast strike. The workers under Ryan are dissatisfied and ironically, Ryan had himself elected president of his union for life.
These facts also explain why Bridges and the ILWU are constantly under attack. The improved conditions on the West Coast have to a great extent been won on Hawaii's docks by ILWU members. While Ryan kicks the workers in the teeth and smiles with the employers, Bridges and other ILWU leaders concentrate on making the membership more unified, aware of their problems and militant to win better pay and working conditions.
While all these facts are generally known here, the dailies are still peddling and playing up the propaganda that Joe Ryan's goon squads are going to muscle in on the West Coast docks. The criticism of the ILWU by the dailies and the big employers is that the union is left-wing or Communist-dominated. The achievements under Bridges as compared to conditions under Ryan speak for the leadership of each union and for its rank and file.
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By Frank Marshall Davis
Progressive Lawyers
In Chicago last month the National Lawyers Guild held its 11th annual convention. Elected president of this predominantly white organization it a Negro lawyer, Earl B. Dickerson.
There are many interesting angles. The National Lawyers Guild was formed because of dissatisfaction with the ultra-conservative policies of the American Bar Association which permitted only a handfull of Negro members and which bitterly opposed Roosevelt's New Deal.
From the start, the Guild has been a professional organization geared to modern times, whereas the ABA has too often resembled a lily-white country club. The Guild, by breaking with ABA tradition, has also gotten itself listed as "subversive."
Ironic, is it not, that an organization which accepts all qualified Americans and elects a Negro as its national president should be considered "un-American," whereas its older counterpart, which practices discrimination and fails to live up to the ideals of democracy should be considered "safe and sound"?
Let's take a look at Earl B. Dickerson, who was never accepted by ABA but who is now national president of the Guild. Dickerson is a former Chicago alderman, president of the Chicago chapter of the Guild, president of the Chicago Urban League, a member of the national board of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, a former president of the National Bar Association composed of Negro lawyers, and a member of the Pair Employment Practices committee appointed by -President Roosevelt at the outset of World War II.
Retains Strong Backing
As you who read this column must know by now, Negroes do not fully accept the prevailing hysteria. For the new president of this organization now termed "subversive" is also general counsel for Supreme Liberty Life Insurance Co., second largest Negro corporation in America. Earl B. Dickerson, who has run for office on the Progressive Party platform and has been cited many times by the un-American committee, nevertheless has the full backing of his business associates.
Furthermore, Attorney Dickerson has not backed down from his militant opposition to thought control and the police state. At a luncheon meeting for the more than 300 delegates, Dickerson lambasted all lawyers' groups which have joined the drive to support the infamous McCarran Act, which requires the registration of all groups labelled as "subversive." He also accused the bar of failing to defend the Bill of Rights.
Among other Negroes to take a leading role in the convention was Judge Hubert T. Delaney, one of New York's best known jurists. Delaney was chairman of the sessions devoted to panels and resolutions on underlying causes of the crisis in civil liberties in the United States.
Prominent white speakers included such nationally known authorities as Fowler Harper and Thomas I. Emerson, professors of law at Yale, and String-fellow Barr, president of the Foundation for World Government.
The entire convention took unanimously progressive stands on many current issues. One resolution passed by the Guild called upon lawyers to offer their services to any person accused of crime involving political beliefs, opinions or associations, and to come to the" defense of lawyers "who are harassed because they undertake the defense of minority causes."
They Defend Democracy
I cannot stress how important it is that some lawyers' organization take such a positive stand at a time like this when many of those indicted under the Smith Act cannot find attorneys willing to defend them. In an atmosphere where counsel is likely to be sentenced along with his client it is good to know there is organized resistance against this undemocratic procedure.
Also unanimously, the Guild condemned discrimination against Negroes in the legal profession, condemned the existing differences between rights as guaranteed by the Constitution and as they actually are, and condemned the July riot in Cicero, Illinois. .
In addition, the Guild urged the U. S. attorney general to drop the prosecution of an indictment against the distinguished Negro scholar, Dr. W. E. B. DuBois who was head of the Peace Information Center.
Can you imagine the "loyal" American Bar Association taking such vigorous stands in support of the ideals of our democracy?
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Bloodshed In Lahaina: 1. The Shooting
"Fierce rioting last night, two wounded. Rioting continues . . . Need assistance." '
This wireless message was received in Honolulu from Lahaina on Sunday, May 25, 1905. It was sent by the sheriff, L. Mansfield Baldwin. In those days, before county government was established, it was perfectly natural that a member of Maui's ruling family should be appointed to maintain law and order in behalf of Maui's ruling family. About 1,400 Pioneer Mill workers had been on strike since Friday.
The trouble began on Thursday evening at Kaanapali camp. A luna, name not given by the press, beat a certain Iwamoto so brutally that the man lost the sight of one eye. His campmates chose delegates and sent them to acting manager Charles F. Scrimger with what a Honolulu businessman tailed "a long string of unreasonable demands," beginning of course, with the discharge of the brutal luna.
Mr. Scrimger was agreeable to this demand and some of the others, but negotiations broke down when the Kaanapali Japanese also demanded the firing of head luna Hugo Rabinowitz. "One of the most quiet, inoffensive men I ever saw," High Sheriff William Henry described Rabinowitz. But he had the wrong sort of name.
The Russo-Japanese war was being waged, and nationalistic feeling ran high among the Japanese of West Maui, who believed the "vitch" ending of the head luna's name made him a Russian, unfit to boss Japanese. In fact, he had come from Austria, not czarist Russia. Manager Scrimger did not agree with this point of view. Kaanapali Men Led
When the Kaanapali men, about 460 in number, showed their intention not to work unless their claims were fully accepted, Scrimger ordered them to be sent to Lahaina by train and paid off. Upon their arrival, they found the men in the other camps sympathetic. Soon most of the Japanese had joined the strike, adding their own grievances to the Kaanapali list.
Finding the mill hands still at work, the strikers marched to the mill, scattered the lunas and closed down the plant.
A call was sent to Wailuku, and at 7 a. m. Saturday, some 45 men (another account says only 15 or 20) of Company "I" of the National Guard, commanded by Capt. William E. Bal, arrived in Lahaina.
According to the historian of the National Guard, martial law was declared to be in effect; but if this is a fact, there is no other mention of it. The Guardsmen took up positions about Lahaina, and passengers on the Kinau, arriving in Honolulu the next morning, reported them to be killing time and treating the expedition as a joke and a picnic.
About nightfall, however, the joking stage had been passed. A mass meeting of strikers was called, and when it broke up, the 1,400 or 1,500 striking Japanese rushed along Front Street toward the courthouse where the Guardsmen were quartered, shouting as they went. "It was a mob sure enough, and caused a stirring of the hair-roots," an eyewitness said.
The mob, when it reached the courthouse, became quiet and those within wondered what would happen next. Then a Guardsman brought out an American flag and hung it from the balcony so that its folds fell over the doorway. "The Japanese seemed to think the display of the Stars and Stripes meant business," said the eyewitness, "and they shortly began dispersing."
Unluckily, they did not all go home. A number went to the house of a cane-planting contractor whose name is given as Kyonaga. An unpopular man to begin with, Kyonaga had refused to join the strike. Now the strikers are reported to have threatened him.
"The laborers have a peculiar idea," wrote a government investigator, "that although they must obey the laws of the country and not molest the citizens or people of another nationality, they have a perfect right to take any measures they see fit with any of their own countrymen with whom they have an account to settle."
One Dead, Two Wounded
Police under Sheriff Baldwin were called and the rioters were ordered to disperse. Instead, the more noise that was made, the more strikers hurried to the spot. The police then determined to arrest the ringleaders. Authorities claimed that one of the strikers fired a shot and the police answered it with a volley. One Japanese was shot dead and two were wounded, one almost to death. The strikers fled.
The name of the worker killed does not appear in the English newspaper accounts. Being an Immigrant laborer, he didn't rate high enough socially. Japanese were especially incensed because he was an army reservist and had been called to report shortly for military service.
The head of the local Japanese Association wired for the consul general to come and investigate. (To Be Continued)
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