Three Quit Central Comm.; More Said Tired of Kauhane

Although they carefully concealed knowledge from newsmen at their meeting Monday night, a number of officials of the walkout Democratic central committee made tentative arrangements for a separate convention, knowing that two of their number had resigned within the few days previous and another had expressed strong intentions of doing so.

The two who resigned formally were Leon Sterling, C-C clerk, and Alfred Jensen.

A third, expected to resign alDr. H. I. Kurisaki, chairman of the walkout central committee, said he does not consider any moves of the three as resignations except that of Jensen, who submitted a letter.

"Jensen gave me the letter and I asked him to wait and we'd talk it over," says Dr. Kurisaki "so I consider that he withdrew it. I have his letter, but I consider it withdrawn." This occurred prior to Monday night's meeting, however, and Mr. Jensen told reporters at that time he had resigned and he wondered why no action was taken on his letter.

Dr. Kurisaki said both Sterling and Liu have informed him verbally that they were resigning, but he does not consider those actions resignations unless accompanied by letters. Sterling said he resigned "because of my campaign." He added that he didn't feel he could carry on the forthcoming campaign for his office and continue to serve on the walkout committee.

Jensen Sought Unity

Jensen, who has himself served as an official of the committee in the past, gave as his reason for resigning the very antithesis of the action taken at Monday night's meeting—a desire to promote a single, united Democratic convention.

One paragraph from his letter of resignation states:

"As a step in my desire to see a united convention in 1952, I should like to recommend to this body that the Governor and the Secretary of Hawaii take immediate steps to appoint a committee of Democrats from each representative district to function as a liaison group to help promote an amicable, united convention of all groups and factions. This committee should be composed of men and women who are sincere in their interests to further the Democratic Party. The members should be those who are willing to cut across any personal and group prejudice for the ultimate goal of a united convention."

Jensen closed with: "As the first step in this direction I believe that my resignation will start the necessary process in action. I hope that my resignation will lead to a unified convention in 1952." Neither the resignations of Sterling nor Jensen received action at the Monday night meeting of the walkouters who, instead, appointed a committee to take preliminary steps toward holding a separate convention.

Trip Disappointing

Although little was said openly at the meeting, a number of walkouters, including some of the most powerful figures of the faction, are highly disappointed with the failure of the recent trip of Charles E. Kauhane and Mrs. Victoria. Holt, national committeeman and national committeewoman, to achieve anything toward national recognition of the walkout group. "All Kauhane did was to meet Frank McKinney (new national Democratic chairman)" said one, "and that couldn't have done much good under the circumstances. He didn't even have a letter to present, that could be signed by both him and Mrs. Holt."

Dr. H. I. Kurisaki, the walkout chairman, said after Monday night's meeting that, although such a letter had been intended, it was not prepared in the last-minute rush of getting Mr. Kauhane and Mrs. Holt off on the trip.

Although Kauhane told the committee Monday that the expenditure of $1,300 for the trip was "worthwhile," some walkouters were inclined to disagree with him.

"All we got," said one, "was a copy of a speech McKinney made. We could have had that sent to us."

Dr. Kurisaki said he thinks the action of the three reflected their displeasure with Kauhane's original release to the local press concerning the trip to Washington, but that after Kauhane's appearance Monday night, they were mollified.

Interviews with right-wingers who heard Kauhane throughout lead to the conclusion that little of the dissatisfaction was dispelled. And Jensen, one of the three, walked out of the committee meeting when the press left at the request of Kauhane, who said he could not trust the reporters to handle the news fairly.

There were those among the committeemen, too, who questioned the wisdom of Mr. Kauhane's activities at the national convention prior to the election of the new national chairman. Kauhane was reported to have favored Ed Pauley as his first choice and one-time Postmaster General James Parley as his second.

"If he got a chance to vote for Frank McKinney," said one, speculating on Kauhane's actions, "ha didn't."

Standpatters Aloof

Standpatters were generally inclined to regard the resignations coolly, and few could be found who felt they were actually the beginning of the dissolution of the walkout faction. One standpat central committeeman said he felt it might even be a deliberate maneuver to "lull us to sleep."

But under the standpat policy, all agreed, there is nothing to keep walkouters from walking back into the standpat faction in active capacities, since the door has always been kept open.

Still another view of a prominent standpatter was that the resignations and the ill-concealed displeasure of the moment of the walkout committee members is a reflection (1) of the disappointment at not receiving national recognition, which they had been led to believe would be achieved, and (2) dissatisfaction with what they feel is the high-handed manner of Mr. Kauhane. In this last connection, the standpatter pointed out that Sterling, Jensen and Liu have differed sharply with Kauhane before, as have Harold Rice and other members of the committee.

One of those who resigned commented: "Might as well get out and let Kauhane run the whole show."

HGEA Petition Ready To File, Says Kendall

A petition requesting a Territory-wide ejection among government employes to decide which organization shall represent them at the legislature, Will be filed this week, Charles Kendall, executive secretary, told the RECORD.

Provisions for such an election were made by Part 5, Act 319, passed by the last session of the legislature. The bill was hotly contested by the United Public Workers of America, who contended that such an election should be held on a unit basis rather than Territory-wide, Workers on the outside Islands would be put at the mercy of the great number of Honolulu government workers who have entirely different interests. Kendall said: "This is the election that Henry Epstein has said is unconstitutional. This will give him a chance to test it. We don't think it is unconstitutional."

Mr. Epstein, UPWA regional director, was unavailable for comment, since he is at present visiting UPWA units on the outer islands with Abram Flaxer, national president of the organization.

Mr. Kendall said nearly all his papers to be filed are in order and he expects the final ones from Maui within a day or so. These papers include a petition with the names of 500 HGEA members seeking the election, loyalty oaths from all officials and all paid employes of the organization.

UPWA Boycotted Election A similar election was provided for by the 1948 session of the legislature, but it was never carried out because, Kendall said, the Secretary of Hawaii said he didn't have the money for it.

At that time the United Public Workers had boycotted the election, holding that it was unconstitutional and that it failed to give many workers fair representation. The law is slightly different this time, Kendall said, in that it enables the Secretary of Hawaii to certify one organization as the winner if no other organization enters.

In the Territory on an errand to "step up our organizing activities," President Abram Flaxer of the national United Public Workers of America, veteran of more than 20 years of struggle for better wages and conditions for public workers, called the proposed Territory-wide election of government employes a "conspiracy between the government and a company union."

The union was, in this case, the Hawaiian Government Employees Association, officers of which are currently reported pushing a petition to hold the election which was voted by the last session of the legislature over the vigorous protests from a number of government workers, especially from the outside islands.

Flaxer called the proposal "obviously a conspiracy between the government and a company union to put a legitimate union out of business." He said further, that it is "contrary to all practices and procedure and contrary to government policy," and there is a very clear probability that it may be unconstitutional.

Busy From Arrival Arriving here last week, Mr. Flaxer immediately went to work studying the problems of his union in the Territory, in conferences with Henry Epstein, regional director. Sunday, he met with Oahu UPW officials and on Monday he took off with Mr. Epstein for a business tour of the islands. He said he planned to spend three days on the Big Island, a day on Maui and another on Kauai before returning to Honolulu by the end of this week. . On the Mainland, Mr. Flaxer said, the chief problem is that of repelling raiders—an activity that has been carried out thus far with eminent success. "Some places they manage to win a local away from us occasionally," Flaxer said, "but the membership apparently decide they like us better, so they come back."

Such situations have occurred notably in Minnesota and Michigan, Flaxer said.

110,000 Into "Concentration Camps"

I occasionally look back, with deep concern, to the hysteria which was whipped up in our country against 110,000 people of Japanese ancestry and brought their banishment from their West Coast homes to inland concentration centers.

A great nation of democratic traditions was lashed by hatred and prejudice of the organized and powerful racist minority and vested interests. The die-hard racists of the anti-Oriental West Coast really had a field day. The vested interests, with eyes on grabbing the farms and businesses built by years and years of sweat and toil by the Japanese immigrants and their children, did not sit and wait like vultures, but actively agitated to gulp up these assets as quickly as possible.

A whole people of common ancestry were labelled subversive, dangerous and potentially dangerous. The majority of us were American born, educated in public schools. What meaning did American birth, education, upbringing and experiences have in time of war and the whipped-up hysteria? Actually the 200 per cent super patriots showed how little regard they have for the teachings, cultures and traditions of this land which shape people's minds. After all the years of living in this country, people of Japanese ancestry were to the West Coast racists just "Japs" and nothing more.

This was the period when the leaders of our government could have set an example for the whole world and given true meaning to the war against imperialist aggressors and their superior race myth. The American people could have learned lessons in democratic processes by the government's firm stand in face of pressures and hysteria, and by informing the populace who the people of Japanese ancestry in the United States and Hawaii were, and how they differed from the Japanese militarists and war financiers. We could have taken the wind out of the Japanese propaganda of "Asia for the Asiatics."

But our country, which denies 15 million Negroes equality and holds Indians in custody on reservations, had a long way to go before carrying on such a healthy program to mobilize the people. Civil rights cannot be fully enjoyed by one minority and be denied to others. All the people must believe in and live by them. On the other hand, such education as mentioned above would wipe away jim crow and the ward system among Indians, and those who forced the evacuation did not want this to happen. Evacuation was a great setback for civil rights.

Months later, a War Relocation Authority public relations officer told me that the government's attitude was conditioned on the premise that no holds were barred to whip up war feelings of the American people and we were the "poor scapegoats." This did not answer me when I asked him if this was the reason why Washington did not quash reports of sabotage in Hawaii by alien and Japanese Americans on December 7, once it was confirmed that they were false. The newspapers kept repeating these lies over and over, building anti-Japanese American resentment.

Evacuate "Citizens Before Enemy Aliens"

Prior to my leaving San Francisco, I frequently met with a group of Nisei in the Montgomery Street workshop of sculptor Isamu Noguchi. We discussed the coming evacuation and speculated on the kind of life we would be permitted to live.

One night Larry Tajiri, now editor of the Pacific Citizen and one of the ablest Nisei newspapermen, came with a news release from General J. L. DeWitt's Western Defense Command headquarters. The information said that DeWitt would evacuate Japanese aliens, American citizens of Japanese ancestry, German aliens and Italian aliens—in this order.

"Citizens before enemy aliens?"

This question came to my mind and I believe to the others.

The "Subversive" List Then and Now

We began making preparation for evacuation. Some moved far inland, beyond the jurisdiction of the Western Defense Command. Tajiri went to Salt Lake City to edit the Pacific Citizen for the Japanese American Citizens League. This was one of the very fortunate things that happened to the Issei and the Nisei, for Tajiri made the weekly an influential voice that elicited support nationally for people of Japanese ancestry. And the Pacific Citizen, published outside the relocation centers, gave voice to grievances of evacuees in the camps whenever it received such information, kept the evacuees informed of occurrences in the various centers and generally helped to give them perspective.

I moved from San Francisco to Los Angeles, and there I found the alien Japanese dreading and fearing the FBI. Those that I talked to did not know for what reason they might be arrested. Most of them had been affiliated with some Japanese organizations, church or community groups. Many of these organizations are still on the attorney general's "subversive" list and not long ago some Japanese aliens were having trouble with the immigration service just because they had once belonged to now defunct associations.

Today, the FBI and the Justice Department harassment is directed against advocates of peace when our country is spending 88 cents out of every tax dollar for war and war preparation, against Communists and those suspected of being Communists, but the system of "subversive" listing to keep people frightened and in line—like jim crowism—hits all minorities. One persecutes on the ideological and even religious level, while the other works on the color line.

Frenzied People Burning Keepsakes

In Los Angeles, as in San Francisco, I saw family heirlooms going up in smoke. Photographs, letters, particularly those from relatives in Japan, books and periodicals were burned in haste. Kodaks and cameras were broken or given away.

Fear had infected our people. Some second-generation community leaders were being accused as "FBI informers" who were turning in names of "disloyal" elements at $25 per head and for personal protection. This allegation was fantastic but it divided the Japanese community by instilling fear and distrust for one another.

The FBI was evidently not above offering bribes of various sorts, including payment of money, for gossips and information. The Nisei, I am sure, did not crawl before the agents.

Today this same FBI is offering money to individuals right here in Hawaii to finger their friends as Communists, strongly pro-labor sympathizers or "subversives"—whatever that means to them.

Many Began To Feel Barbed Wire Enclosure Would Be Safer

Propaganda of the racists and vested interests and dramatized arrests by the FBI in early 1942 made the Nisei and their alien parents appear more and more "dangerous." Nisei were losing jobs. Japanese-owned businesses suffered. And cold hostility of the uninformed but propagandized public developed. By the time the order for evacuation came, there were many who felt that it was safer for them to go into inland relocation centers.

The manner in which the evacuation came, through the whipped-up hysteria to create hatred and suspicion of the Issei and Nisei, naturally resulted in untold injustices and tragedies. Families lost their life savings, part of which they are still trying to collect today in the face of government stalling.

The Tragedy Resulting From Whipped-Up Hysteria

At this time, white persons visited the Issei and Nisei homes to buy their belongings. One morning I heard a visitor offer $15 for a brand new, $250 refrigerator. The Japanese couple finally sold for $25. Another family sold a 50-gallon drum of oil for $2. Everything was sold for a song for the white people knew the Issei and Nisei would have to dispose of their property in a hurry and they drove a hard bargain. In the meantime the army was instructing us to get rid of all excess baggage in a hurry.

I remember the day I went to register to go to the Manzanar Relocation Center. The man at the desk told me I could take only one duffle bag or two small bags, whichever I could handle by myself.

"Where can we store our furniture and other personal property?" I asked for an old alien couple.

"Get rid of them; there are lots of junk buyers." the man answered.

"Doesn't the army or government provide warehouses?"

"Not that I know of."

When I told this to the old couple they quietly shed tears and remarked about the callous treatment of human beings. I helped them store their belongings in a church. Months later, when we were far inland, we were informed that vandals had broken into the storehouse and taken the valuables.

For later evacuees the army and the government provided storage places but by then the frenzied people had disposed of their belongings accumulated over a long period of years, for practically nothing.

Propaganda Attack Took On a New Line

When the first contingent of volunteers left for Manzanar, a very close friend of mine who had longshored with me on the West Coast signed up and left. I asked him to write me how conditions were.

We read in the anti-Oriental Hearst Los Angeles Examiner that about 20 beauty pallors and fancy barber shops with manicurists, were being planned for Manzanar. Manzanar would be a modern city, with stores and shops to satisfy our needs. We were going to be paid union wages, the army press releases said. Now that the evacuation was a fact, the banishment that was made possible mainly by blind hate and suspicion, the propagandists turned on the faucet that gushed out with falsehoods about "coddling" of "subversives," "disloyals," and suspects. Why treat us good? it said.

"A Jap's a Jap!"

To the man in charge of the evacuation, General DeWitt, we were:

"A Jap's a Jap. They are a dangerous element, whether loyal or not. There is no way to determine their loyalty ... It makes no difference whether he is an American citizen; theoretically, he is still a Japanese and you can't change him . . . You can't change him by giving him a piece of paper."

General DeWitt expressed this and other views before the House Naval Affairs Sub-Committee in San Francisco much later.

One of the first photographs to come out of Manzanar was rather interesting. I saw it in a Los Angeles newspaper. A few Nisei girls smiled as though the world was theirs in a barracks! room with a photograph of General MacArthur pinned on the wall behind them.

I later learned from one of the girls, who were early volunteers, that a news photographer had gone to Manzanar with MacArthur's photograph under his arm. He tacked it on a wall and asked the girls to relax and smile. They were played up as loyal elements who were taking evacuation without bitterness or anger, but with an adventurous spirit.

"Don't Rush To Come Here"

One of my friends received a letter from his friend who had gone to Manzanar in the first contingent. "Don't rush to come here," the letter said. When the first 83 volunteers arrived in the most inhospitable, isolated desert land, four barracks were taking shape. They ate dry sandwiches at mealtime. The first night they huddled against each other because there were no window panes. No roof over their heads! either. It was extremely cold, with a strong, cutting wind blowing down from a nearby snowcapped mountain range. The plank lumber walls were full of holes and cracks. Dust and sand swept by with the strong wind.

The army had a white construction crew of 400 men to build Manzanar, a community of one square mile in area, to house 10,000 of us, in 90 days. One thousand evacuees were to move in seven days after construction began. Naturally, hardships resulted.

On April 2, 1942, shortly after my friend had gone to Manzanar, I, too, joined a contingent that rode on a train with cars that seemed to have been dragged out of antiquity. I took a last look at Los Angeles, people waving, white friends of evacuees wiping their eyes as the train pulled away. All day we travelled northward and saw black lava, glittering white alkali lake beds, desert stretches, oases, and bronzed, parched mountain ranges.

"We Can't Go Back Now"

At nightfall we arrived at a town near Manzanar where we transferred to a bus. The cold wind howled outside and as we approached the new clearing amidst sagebrush that was Manzanar, sand and dust pelted the bus windows.

At the gate the bus stopped. A military sentry was there. As the bus entered the barbed wire enclosure, I looked back into the darkness, on the road we had come. Out there, beyond the barbed wire, was the world we knew.

"We cannot go back now," a friend said. "We are locked up."

In this manner, 110,000 people were put away. Today, in this period of whipped-up hysteria and instilled fear, I see many similarities to this earlier experience I went through in 1942—when we were an instrument used to whip up war feeling. (To Be Continued)

Strong opposition to the U. S. blueprinted Japanese peace treaty was expressed by Arsenio H. Lac-son, mayor-elect of Manila, as he passed through here last week, because a Japan made powerful enough to be a U. S. ally and a buffer against communism in Asia would become powerful enough to "double cross" the Western bloc.

Voicing the views widely held in the Philippines, whose people suffered under Japanese military occupation for almost the entire duration of the Pacific War, Mr. Lacson emphasized that this country is "making a big mistake with Japan."

Quirino's Possible Move

There is strong indication that President Elpidio Quirino may call a special session of the senate to ratify the peace treaty before the new congress convenes next January, Mr. Lacson said.

President Quirino and his Liberal party are labelled as "friendly" to the U. S. and news agency dispatches from the Philippines prior to and during the recent elections made particular note of this. These news reports appeared in newspapers in the Philippines, which is heavily dependent on U. S. dollars and subsidies, but they apparently had no influence on the voters. In an overwhelming victory nine Nacionalista senate candidates won as many contested seats.

Mr. Lacson, who won the important post of mayor of Manila from Quirino's Liberal party incumbent De La Fuente, had one kind word for the corrupt Quirino administration. He praised the President for permitting a "clean" election which enabled the people to cast their ballots for candidates of their choice. The result was a Republic-wide victory for the Nacionalistas.

The people wanted a change, he commented.

Two attempts were made on his life by De La Fuente's sons prior to the elections, Manila's mayor-elect told a gathering while having supper at a local restaurant. Hernandez Trial On

Mr. Lacson is the first Filipino visitor, according to informed local sources, to bring word about Manila's city councilman, Amado Hernandez, arrested under a thought control law following President Quirino's suspension of the writ of habeas corpus. Mr. Hernandez is president of the militant Congress of Labor Organizations.

The trial of Mr. Hernandez, unpublicized in the press, is now going on, Mr. Lacson said. The mayor-elect says he visits the CLO leader in prison.

Mr. Lacson is visiting West Coast cities and Mexico on this trip to study city management. He said the major problem of Manila is the balancing of the budget, 80 per cent of which now goes for salaries.

Washington (FP)—Dr. W. E. B. DuBois, noted Negro leader, and four associates in the Peace Information Center were freed Nov. 21 of charges they violated the foreign agents registration act by preaching peace without registering. Elizabeth Moos, Sylvia Soloff,

Abbott Simon and Kyrle Elkin were the others indicted and freed with Dr. DuBois. Govt. Complains of Roadblocks

After U. S. District Judge Matthew P. McGuire dismissed the indictment, a Justice Department spokesman told newsmen the decision places roadblocks in the government's drive against advocates of world peace.

McGuire dismissed charges against defendant Sylvia Soloff, who had acted as a stenographer in the center, because the government failed to establish any of the charges against her.

After a long argument by Defense Attorney Vito Marcantonio, the judge granted a defense motion for dismissal of charges - against the others on grounds that the prosecution had failed to show the center was acting as agent of any foreign power when it distributed the Stockholm peace petition and carried on other propaganda work.

Asking Jury To "Conjecture"

The judge's decision came after the government had completed its case. The jury of eight Negroes and four white persons did not get a chance at the case because McGuire felt that to place the verdict in their hands would be asking them to "conjecture in the field of conjecture" and "speculate on a speculation."

Marcantonio argued the government failed to show anyone outside the center had control over it. In characterizing prosecution evidence, the defense attorney quoted Abraham Lincoln to this effect: "The government's case is a weak broth boiled from the shadow of a homeopathic pigeon which died of starvation."

Prosecutors J. Frank Cunning-ham and P. Kirk Maddrix tried to get the judge to accept conviction on a supposition of a connection between the center and a foreign agent. Cunningham claimed the definition of a foreign agent should be "a foreign agent is anyone who acts or holds himself out to be a disseminator of information for a foreign person not necessarily due to any agreement at all."

Rogge's Fingering: Try Curbed

The judge ruled, however, that to warrant conviction the prosecution would have to prove a definitely agreed-upon relationship between the defendant and a foreign power.

High point of the prosecution was testimony of Attorney O. John Rogge, who worked with the peace forces before accepting a retainer of $12,000 from the Yugoslav government of Marshal Tito. Rogge's attempt to put the finger on many peace workers not involved in the trial was halted by McGuire and extensive parts of his testimony, through which he sought to show the policies of the USSR were similar to those of the peace center, were ruled out by the judge. The bench held that policies of the USSR were not on trial in this case.

Double Standard Law

Federal Judge Harry C. West-over of Los Angeles, fined Casper J. Rotondo Jr., and James J. O'Malley $3,500 each for wire-tapping to get horse racing information.

Federal Judge William C. Mathes, also in Los Angeles, refused early in November, to let defense attorneys of California's 15 Smith Act victims subpoena FBI Agent C. H. Carson and the Pacific Telegraph and Telephone Co. with records of wire-tapping.

Local travel agencies booking tours to Japan do charge more than the official Japan Travel Bureau but not as much as reported in the RECORD last week, the Japan Overseas Agency said this week, correcting figures given out by a staff member and quoted in this paper.

The error by the staff member occurred, it was explained, in misreading of official price lists of the Japan Travel Bureau. Thus, the "popular tour" of 23 days, the closest approximation of 21-day trips offered by local agencies, costs $329, and the "de-luxe tour" for the same length of time costs either $516.50 or $530.50, depending upon the route taken.

Prices quoted by three local agencies for 21-day trips over different routes (including $430 for third class ship passage round trip from here to Japan) vary from $830 to $865.

The price quoted for the Nakamura Hotel in last week's paper, $870, was incorrect and should have been $830, which makes it lowest of the three interviewed by RECORD investigators.

"Fishing trip" is still Mayor Wilson's name for the board of supervisors' resolution to investigate the activities of Herbert Kum, C-C civil service chairman.

'It will be a fishing trip to me," said the mayor, "until they bring in solid statements and accusations."

Nor will it be Chairman Kum alone who gets investigated, if there's any probe, the mayor said, pointing out that it is impossible to investigate a single member of a three-man commission and fail to take note of what the other two have been doing.

"Kum has been carrying out the law," said Mayor Wilson, "and that's why they don't like him. I told him in the beginning that so long as he carried out the law he and I wouldn't have any trouble, but that doesn't make you popular."

The stand of the civil service chairman against the board's ham-

mering for the adoption of the "Lee report" is a case in point, the mayor feels.

"If the commission had adopted the Lee report after the board passed a resolution to have them do that," said the mayor, "they should have removed themselves. The legislature sets up the pattern of what's to be done and we follow it."

The whole controversy would never have arisen, the mayor said, and the job of reclassifying police and firemen would have been finished five months ago except for the stalling tactics of certain members of the board. A motion introduced by Supervisor Trask at Tuesday's meeting to appropriate money for the completion of Gal-las' work was substantially the same as one almost passed back in July, the mayor said, and if it had been passed then the police and firemen would have been getting their raises for some time.

Are the airport parking meters legal or not?

It's a question that may be settled Saturday by the challenge of Henry Epstein, United Public Workers regional director, who refused to pay a ticket given him for failing to put coins in a meter at the International airport where a number of parking meters have been installed.

Epstein's challenge recalls an even stronger protest in Austin, Texas, in the late '30s by the University of Texas famous "Cowboy Professor," J. Frank Dobie, who went to Jail rather than put a nickel in one of Austin's new parking meters.

Smiled In Jail

A picture of Professor Dobie smiling out from behind the bars of the Travis County jail was published all over the country long before Professor Dobie became known even better as a lecturer on America at Cambridge and as a champion of the first Negro, Marion Sweatt, to enter the University of Texas law school.

Professor Dobie never paid his fine, but he didn't keep parking meters out of Austin, either. The Travis County sheriff decided the incident was getting unfavorable publicity and he paid Dobie's fine himself. But Mr. Epstein feels he has better grounds. He maintains he was given a ticket because of something that isn't even a law.

Unsigned "Law"

Epstein says Part 7, Section 5 of the Hawaii Aeronautics Commission rules which is supposed to legalize the parking meters, has never been signed by Governor Long.

Nor has notice of it been advertised in the newspapers AFTER passage, as prescribed by law, Epstein maintains.

Further, he says, there is no sign or notice on the spot advising the driver that he is required by rule or law to put money in the meter. Professor Dobie opposed Austin's meters on the ground that it is unconstitutional to charge fees for a part of the public domain which is maintained at the cost of taxpayers. His case was never carried to its highest legal conclusion so the issue in Texas was left unsolved.

Regents Feared Dobie

But the professor's reputation as a fighter was enhanced among Texans to such a degree that the regents feared to fire him for years, though publicly advised to do so by Governor Coke Stevenson, whom Dobie freely labelled a "home front fascist" in a column he wrote for the Dallas' News and a number of other Texas papers.

Epstein's case will be heard in traffic court Saturday morning. He is to be represented by Attorney James King of Bouslog & Symonds.

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Questions Raised About The Chinese "Extortions"

The rash of reports of the Chinese "extortion racket." which was first publicized by the San Francisco Chronicle and played up by pro-Kuomintang U. S. Senator William Knowland (R., Calif.) began fizzling as the Chinese Six Companies, gambling and business combine, in San Francisco decided not to appeal the matter to the UN.

This strange behavior, after the organized publicity to discredit the People's Republic of China with allegations of extortion from overseas Chinese, caused observers to look closely at the reports. Some of the facts which stood out were these:

• The newspaper reproductions of the cablegrams asking for money had come from Hong Kong. The money orders sent by overseas Chinese were also to Hong Kong.

• The money sent went to the Bank of China, in Hong Kong, which is controlled by Chiang Kai-shek. News reports on the "ransom" stories said that Chiang's Bank of China turned the money over to the People's Bank of New China, which also operates in the British crown colony of Hong Kong. Does Chiang's bank transact this sort of business with the People's Bank? • In years past, overseas Chinese in the U. S. have been sending as much as $160,000,000 a year to relatives in China. Many still send money and gifts. The "extortion" stories caused many Americans to recall the robbery of the Bank of China and the Central Bank, both owned by Chiang and his relatives, when in 1945, high Kuomintang officials who had inside information, speculated on the sale of government gold and cleaned up millions.

Again, after the war in Shanghai, Chiang issued the "gold yuan" and by force and terror made the Chinese people exchange their precious foreign currency and gold and silver for the newly-printed money. Chiang did not stabilize the "gold yuan," which became worthless shortly afterward. —and Chiang and his close relatives had by then lined their pockets with the valuables.

British Malayan War Costs $8.9 Million a Day

More than three and a half years since British attempts to crush the national liberation movement in Malaya started, the imperialist power last week reported that the Malayan campaign is costing her $8,900,000 a day to carry on the warfare.

The British propagandists have played up the victory angle for general world consumption but in the accounting last week, what they had dished out was clearly seen as a tissue of lies.

Britain does not recognize the Malayan national liberation force as such in her propaganda, but calls them "rebels." To fight the smaller liberation force, Britain has been using 50,000 soldiers and 70,000 police.

In their campaign against what British authorities estimate at 7,000 Malayan guerrillas, they have deported thousands of Chinese from the colony. The Chinese make up a very large part of the population.

The broad support of the people for the liberation movement has strengthened the resistance against the colonial power and British-owned rubber plantations are guarded 24 hours a day by sentries and at night the compound where the employers live is lighted by floodlights.

The accounting of the Malayan anti-liberation campaign by the British indicated that new plans are being considered or are afoot to wage a war such as in Korea or Indo-China, where bombs and jellied gasoline are dropped from the air to wipe out entire areas, irrespective of the civilian populace.

Eisenhower Backs Down In "Back-Room Revolt"

Not only are European countries dragging their heels in remilitarization, as Gen. Dwight Elsenhower complained recently, they have staged what the press this week reported as a "back-room revolt" against U. S. insistence to streamline the North Atlantic Pact nations along militaristic lines.

A up dispatch from Rome this week reported that the U. S. "backed down slightly" on the top priority it had given to the organization of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization army. The grandiose plans for the anti-Communist force which U. S. officials had in mind, called for a common overall defense minister in Western Europe and a common war budget. The smaller nations, Belgium, The Netherlands and Luxembourg, revolted and forced U. S. authorities to take a softer position for the time being.

West Europeans are ill at ease at the U. S. strategy of giving the NATO mobilization a "big push," as Secretary of State Dean Acheson told them this week, to pave the way for the inclusion of a German army. As the Philippines, Australia and New Zealand oppose a remilitarized Japan and want a U. S. guarantee that they would not be attacked again, NATO powers fear attack from a war machine in Germany under resurgent Nazism.

General Eisenhower again made a strong plea to NATO powers not to drag then-feet but to take immediate action for shaping up a strong European army.

Meanwhile, the French campaign in Indo-China to crush anti-colonial forces and to secure Bao Dai as puppet ruler, has cost France $2,500,000,000 and this is more than the $2,300,000,000 which the U. S. pumped into France since 1948, in dollar grants and as a dumping ground for U. S. goods.

France's $2,100,000,000 war budget is considered small, but it is giving the government plenty to worry about, with winter coming and prices of fuel (France now imports coal from the U. S.), meat, tobacco and other products shooting skyward. As the delegates to the recent CIO convention complained, after observing conditions in Europe, the "rich are getting richer and the poor are getting poorer." . Observers say that French capitalists are the slickest tax-dodgers extant and the workers, living under worsening conditions, are grumbling bitterly.

One Million March In "Strangest" Parade

Egypt, which spurned the U. S. invitation to join the NATO powers against the Soviet Union and the East European nations—at a time when British troops were trying to keep the British-Egyptian treaty in force at bayonet point—experienced an anti-imperialist demonstration two weeks ago which was unique in history.

One million Egyptians paraded through the streets of Cairo, demanding the , ouster of British forces from the Suez Canal zone and the Sudan. News reports said the demonstration was the "strangest" for the paraders inarched in almost deathly silence, broken only by the shuffling of feet and the low rumbling of funeral drums. "Freedom or Death," said a banner carried overhead by marchers and the words spoke while the people maintained a stony silence.

United Press reported that 15,000 bareheaded students who headed the parade carried a huge poster that said:

"American mediation is an imperialist trick on a nation which wants Russian friendship."

In the whole of the Arab Middle East the people carried on a general strike on Nov. 14, the day of the "strangest" parade, in support of the Egyptian position against Britain, whose forces have been shooting at Egyptians since the latter began demanding that the British leave their country.

Foreign military bases and colonialism were getting more and more opposition by the native people whose understanding of their sovereign rights was becoming clearer to them, as action like the ouster of the British oil exploiters from Iran and demonstrations in Egypt opened their eyes.

In French Morocco, the people recently demonstrated to boycott the elections for the Consultative Chambers of Commerce and Agriculture, which the conservative Time magazine described as a "powerless, pale imitation of parliament."

For the freedom-seeking people of the colonial Middle East, an imperial pitch was made in the name of "freedom" for help by France's Resident General Augustin Guillaume:

"I ask all free countries to support our policy in Morocco, and not hide behind a cautious neutrality, nor to have contacts with our worst enemies—who are not only nationalists, but wild religious fanatics . . . I would like to see Washington give its diplomatic and consular representatives in Morocco instructions that would result in the same close cooperation we have in Germany. And I ask for these instructions now . . . You must support me in North ' Africa."

A few days later Guillaume chortled: "It was all just a bad dream."

France's overload in Morocco had gotten word from Paris, which had in turn been assured from French diplomats in Washington, that if the Arabs place Moroccan independence on the UN agenda at the assembly meeting in Paris, the U. S. would support France.

The cold fact was this: While U. S. big industrialists look to control of Middle East resources, as they are now trying to do in Iran where the British have been ousted, the competition among exploiters cannot ignore the great danger of national independence which would eventually end profitable colonialism.

Furthermore, in ringing the Soviet Union with air bases, the U. S. has a network of bases in Morocco, gotten with French consent.

The Titanic demonstration in Cairo to oust British occupation forces sent shivers up and down the backs of NATO and U. S. officials, for the spirit of independence of the tens of millions of impoverished and abused people would end the era of lush profits for the colonial powers.

ASTORIA, Ore. (FP)—Efforts of the U. S. Immigration Service to deport Harry Chew have uncovered the odd fact that up to 1926, Chinese weren't people to the officials of Clatsop County, Oregon.

Chew, now living in Portland, insists he was born in Astoria 51 years ago. But he's having a hard time proving it because, until 1926, the only births the courthouse here bothered to record were "white" ones.

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Reporter Who Gunned After Tax Fraud Said

To Have "Resigned"; Justice Dept. Considers Firing Attorney for Exposing Corruption

"This corruption is far greater than you know. It is not the commonplace tax fix of the gangsters and hoodlums. The appalling Internal Revenue corruption to which I refer apparently involves many persons occupying high places. This corruption is so gigantic in San Francisco that in the space of a little more than 90 days" it has resulted in:

• The firing of a news reporter who tried to expose the tax racket.

• The blocking of a grand jury which started to investigate the alleged involvement in a tax deal between a San Francisco "newspaper staff" and internal revenue officials.

• The "arbitrary firing of still another Federal grand jury" which tried to follow through on a tax case which had been sidetracked.

The charges above were made about three months ago, on Aug. 31, by Assistant U. S. Attorney Charles O'Gara before the Senate Finance Committee.

Last week, the San Francisco Chronicle published an editor's note saying that its editor, Paul C. Smith, had been implicated by O'Gara during his testimony before the Senate committee, that Smith had a "tax liability for two years which had remained unpaid for a considerable period, and which did not show any arrangement for payment; that is, there was no arrangement reflected for part payment in respect to Mr. Smith's income tax."

The hush-hushed story was finally made public.

The Chronicle said: "The entire tax liability has been liquidated in full."

The Chronicle also explained that Reporter Richard V. Hyer "resigned" last May alter disagreement with the editor over articles he had submitted for publication. Hyer is recognized as one of the best informed newspapermen in San Francisco on the tax scandal.

An equally or even more sensational disclosure was another matter involving the corrupt Truman administration. Sen. John J. Williams (R., Del.) charged that because O'Gara talked to the Senate committee, his superior, U. S. District Attorney Chauncey Tramutolo, requested that O'Gara be fired. The Senator revealed that the request was awaiting action on Attorney General J. Howard McGrath's desk.

With the heat on, would McGrath now turn around and fire Tramutolo? The past and present conduct of the administration gives no hope for such action.

In the scandalous situation which makes deep freeze and mink coat gifts to Truman's inner official family at the capital look like peanuts, another political appointee of the administration resigned last week. As usual, the towel was thrown in, not by an official disgusted by corruption in government, but by one seeking cover.

George B. Gillin, superintendent of the U. S. Mint in San Francisco, gave up his official job rather than cut himself off from the lucrative private insurance business he has operated on the side.

More scandal was unearthed as T. Lamar Caudle testified this week before a House sub-committee. The former assistant attorney general whom Truman was forced to oust, said he bought three automobiles at a discount from a firm undergoing investigation on tax matters. News reports did not say whether he sold the cars for profit or drove all three of them. Caudle, who headed the Justice Department's tax division, also testified that he and the general counsel of the internal revenue department got a free plane trip to Florida in 1947 from a businessman also being probed for tax fraud.

THE DEMAND for the ouster of Attorney General McGrath was growing and Truman's firing of Caudle had not taken the heat off the former Democratic Party boss who sits and watches his graft-ridden underlings, and concentrates on his antiCommunist, anti-peace campaign which is drummed up to drown out and hide the rottenness in government.

Charles M. Hite and A. E. Steadman both pressured John R. Desha, former first assistant public prosecutor, to bring first, not second degree murder charges against John Palakiko and James E. Majors, Mr. Desha testified before the Territorial supreme court this week.

Mr. Hite, who later became public prosecutor and took over the Wilder murder case which, resulted in the conviction, with death sentences for Majors and Palakiko, together with Mr. Steadman, called Mr. Desha "not once but several times" over the telephone, "urging me to bring first degree charges," Mr. Desha told the court. Mr. Hite was former secretary of Hawaii.

Mr. Desha said also that Mr. Hite was "a great friend" of Mrs. Wilder.

Mr. Steadman, former circuit court judge, was described by Mr. Desha as president of Cooke Trust Co. and financial agent for Mrs. Wilder.

Lacked Sufficient

Evidence In the habeas corpus appeal of Majors and Palakiko, prosecution witnesses took the stand this week. The two men claim that confessions were taken from them by duress and contend that they did not have a fair trial in a hostile atmosphere. They are asking for a new trial.

Mr. Desha told the court that if he were the defense attorney for the two men in the trial, he would have asked for a change of venue. There was not enough evidence, he testified, to charge the two men with first degree murder.

While he carried on the investigation of the murder of Mrs. Wilder, he was replaced by Mr. Hite who became public prosecutor, Mr. Desha said.

"Eavesdropping" Material Prior to this time, Mr. Desha said, Mayor John H. Wilson had informed him that he had offered the job of public prosecutor to Mr. Hite and Mr. Steadman. Both of them had complained to the mayor about the manner in which the Wilder case was being handled.

Police Officer. William Donlin took the stand Wednesday and testified that he took notes of Majors' conversation with a Dr. Darrow at Queen's Hospital. He related that Majors had told the doctor that he and Palakiko had "tied her (Mrs. Wilder) up and gagged her," after he had punched her.

Attorney Harriet Bouslog objected to this testimony, saying "eavesdropping" material should not be considered. The court overruled the objection.

Earlier, Mrs. Marguerite Lee, former police matron, testified that Palakiko had told her "it looks like I'm going to swing." She said he was in good spirits while in police custody and he had no scars or bruises on his face.

Captain Eugene Kennedy, chief of detectives in 1948, is the only police officer among many taking the stand who testified to seeing a mark over Palakiko's eye. Palakiko contends that he was beaten by former Detective Vernal Stevens before he agreed to make the confession.

While Stevens denied even questioning Palakiko when he testified at the murder trial, Lieut. Herbert Cockett testified this week that Stevens "told me he had questioned Palakiko." Stevens is on the Mainland and has not been available for this hearing.

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Berkley, Calif. (FP)— A loyalty oath requirement, which plunged the University of California into bitter controversy that lasted 11/2 years, has been junked by the board of regents.

In the absence of both John Francis Neylan and Gov. Earl Warren respective leaders of the pro-oath and anti-oath factions, the university regents voted 12 to 5 not to reconsider their October decision to rescind the anti-Communist statement. The oath was required of all persons signing contracts with the educational institution.

Employes must still take the state loyalty oath. Both this and the university oath are before the California supreme court in test cases on their constitutionality.

Neylan protested by letter against "this extraordinary action while a test case is pending before the supreme court." University President Robert Gordon Sproul was among those who voted to kill the oath. Admiral Chester Nimitz voted for reconsideration.

During the 18 months that the oath was in effect, a number of faculty members were fired for refusing to sign, others quit the university in protest, the institution's rating dropped and its reputation in academic circles was seriously damaged.

Washington (FP)—Out of every dollar spent by the U. S. government, 88 cents is for past, present and future wars. Chairman Clarence Cannon (D., Mo.) of the House appropriations committee revealed in an analysis of government expenditures authorized by Congress in 1951.

Of $85 billion appropriated, only $10 billion was for "non-defense activities," Cannon said. The much-touted "economy drive," said the congressman, cut only $162 million from appropriations, or less than two-tenths of one per cent.

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By Staff Writer

Despite protestations from the supervisors and Charles Kendall of the HGEA that their chief interest in adopting the "Lee report" over reclassification by E. C. Gallas is to see police and firemen get quick raises, the RECORD has learned from authoritative sources that a majority of police and firemen who have expressed themselves, do not agree with their self-appointed champions.

The police department, particularly, has made its own breakdown and study of the two possibilities and has arrived at the conclusion that it stands to gain considerably more by the Gallas reclassification, even if it should take a little longer, than by having the Lee report used as a means for immediate, though less substantial, pay increases. Interest in the police department reached a point where a vote was taken to see which plan employes favor and it is reported the Gallas work won a lop-sided victory.

Tax Swallows

Most Adoption of the "Lee report," according to reliable sources, would mean a raise of about $4 per month for employes in many categories. But the new tax, applicable in the coming year, would swallow nearly all of that, leaving a "take-home" increase of only about a dollar.

Although neither Mr. Gallas. nor civil service officials are willing to reveal the results of his partially completed study, police are reported to have satisfied themselves that the adoption of the work will give them considerably more. Opinion from the fire department, though not so articulate and not based upon the same careful study given by the police, is reported as in accord with their conclusions. Since the controversy over police and fire department increases and the different methods of arriving at them has become such a heated fight in the City Hall, officials of both departments are understandably reluctant to be quoted.

Kendall Switched Sides The fight, which has lasted now for several weeks, took a new turn at last Monday's meeting of the civil service commission when Charles Kendall of the HGEA presented a five and a half-page argument in favor of the "Lee report" and asked the resignation of Herbert Kum, commission chairman, charging malfeasance of office and conduct unbecoming a high official.

Two aspects of Mr. Kendall's action have bewildered City Hall observers:

• Less than three weeks ago, together with Police Chief Dan Liu and Capt. Arthur Tarbell, Kendall argued with considerable force and volume in favor of the very position of Mr. Kum, which he now calls "malfeasance."

• Since expression from police and firemen has favored the Gallas work, Kendall does not appear to be representing anyone at all.

A police officer says: "Kendall's out to recruit in the police department, and he's out to keep his members."

But whether or not the members and prospective HGEA recruits in the police department are favorably impressed is dubious. Proponents of the Gallas work, especially civil service Chairman Herbert Kum, feel the relative merits of the two studies are not very well understood, and they emphasize that Albert Lee, himself, described his study as "not an analysis of the duties and responsibilities attached to each position."

Issue Said Muddled

Kum says he also finds it deploring that the Advertiser's campaign against him, reflected to a degree by the Star-Bulletin, has been allowed to color the issue of reclassification of policemen and firemen. If he had been accorded an equal opportunity by either daily to answer the charges made against him in a series of articles in the Advertiser in September, he says, supervisors might never have embarked on what Mayor Wilson called "a fishing expedition" to probe his activities and further muddle the reclassification issue.

Although the Advertiser published four articles and an editorial, with another editorial this week, highly critical of Kum's chairmanship, Editor Bay Coll has agreed to allow Kum only a single column in defense. Earlier, Coll had said he would publish two columns, Kum said, but cut that amount in half two weeks ago when the civil service chairman had his statement prepared.

Steban DeLuna, 47, and house mate Donato Alneron, 55, lost all their personal belongings when their house in Waikapu Camp burned down in a matter of minutes on Nov. 18, at about 7 p.m.

DeLuna and Alneron were sleeping at the time of the fire and they both ran out with only the clothes they were wearing.

The cause of the fire is believed to have been old and rotten electric wiring. DeLuna is now staying with Pedro, Onisimo and Norberto Sanchez, brothers and his neighbors. He is a camp steward and has been employed by the Wailuku Sugar Co. for the past 20 years. He was elected one of the delegates from Wailuku Sugar Co. to the Filipino Territorial convention being held at Helena Camp, Molokai, Nov. 28 to Dec. 1.

Because of the fire, he was not be able to make the trip to Molokai. Brother Hermenegildo Quemado, an alternate, went in his place.

Alneron, the other victim, has worked for the Wailuku Sugar Co. for 20 years and now is living with Pablo Bayogao of the Waikapu Camp.

Estimated personal loss to De Luna is $500 and to Alneron, $250.

Both DeLuna and Alneron expressed their appreciation to all union brothers and sisters, officials, friends, UPWA members and officers, and also to the plantation officials for the wonderful kokua and contributions they received.

The Wailuku Unit executive board went on record at its meeting held last week, to request all camp stewards to assist DeLuna and Alneron by asking all Wailuku unit members to make voluntary contributions.

* *

Eddie Tam, according to a reliable source, offered Willie Crozier a job as road overseer over in Lahaina. Supervisor John Bulgo also tried to. contact Crozier, but since Crozier was in Honolulu at that time, Bulgo spoke to Crozier Sr. about accepting the job. And according to this source, Willie did accept the job through his father about two weeks ago, but up until now, he is still not on the payroll.

* *

The National Dollar Store's grand opening on Nov. 23 attracted a capacity crowd. There are 75 part-time girls employed. They will be there until the holiday rush is over. After that, only 15 girls will be on the permanent payroll. The 15 will be hired on the basis of total cash sales they make up to Christmas.

* *

Supervisor Manuel Rodrigues (D) says that Rep. Dee Duponte and Supervisor Shigeru Miura will be candidates for the senate during next election. Willie Crozier, who has declared his candidacy, was not mentioned. Eddie Tam, Kaneo "Kishi" Kishimoto and Manuel Asue will vie for the county chairmanship.

Rodrigues came to the point when he said: "If County Auditor Sam Alo does not run again next year, you can bet your life that I'll run for that office. If he resigns before the next election. I'll seek that office to finish his term as auditor."

The RECORD asked: "What if Alo doesn't resign and runs again in the next election?" In that case, said Rodrigues, "I'll run for the same office as usual, the board of supervisors."

* *

Why the Democratic Party hold one mass meeting for all the precinct officers and members of the party instead of holding a. secret meeting with only a handful of county officials and party officers, a close political observer commented. "I've been a member of the Democratic Party for many, many years, but I don't know what is going on in the party because only a handful are running the whole show," this observer said.

* *

Because Manuel Santos backed Lincoln McCandless, a Democrat, in 1932 for Delegate to Congress, he told the RECORD, he was fired as water luna from the HC&S Co.

"The person who fired me," he! a member of the House of Representatives."

"Today, I'm still a Democrat and will be one until I leave this earth. Nowadays," says Santos, "only because of the union, especially the ILWU, plantation laborers can vote and campaign without fear, for any Democratic said, "was M. G. Paschoal (R), now candidate."

The ILWU received official copies of the Wage Stabilization Board's decision on the Hawaii sugar agreements Nov. 21.

Saburo Fujisaki, secretary-treasurer of Local 142, said the copies of the decision "must have been sent by pony express" because 15 days elapsed before they were finally delivered to union headquarters. They were put in the mail in Washington, D. C. six days after the WSB ruled on the matter.

"Similar letters addressed to the sugar employers apparently came by a more rapid mail service—perhaps of the type prevalent in Dog-patch and Honolulu—because they were delivered on November 15, only nine days after being posted."

Commenting on the lengthy delay, ILWU Regional Director Jack Hall said that "if the administration is trying to institute an economy program, it should get rid of the grafters instead of saving air mail stamps." They are "stamp wise and deep freeze foolish," Hall added.

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Vineyard St., at the crossing of College Walk, is reported as the area where a considerable part of narcotics transactions are carried out these days. Two arrests have been made of young men who operated in that area and by the time this is published another locale may have become more popular.

* *

Pressure was on the C-C pubic works committee last Friday from Sears, Roebuck and Foodland supermarket to put a crosswalk between their establishments across Beretania St. and only 200 feet from a stoplight. The Republicans, John Asing and Samuel Ichinose, were apparently impressed by what Asing called "the volume of business," and a Democrat, James Trask, accused Asing of catering to the business interests rather than to the public. Asing denied the accusation, although not very convincingly.

What the supervisors should have known is that Sears has another interest in the crossing—that being the deflection of business from Kalakaua Supermarket to Foodland. It's a part of the old feud which arose when Sears wasn't able to buy the land Kalakaua Supermarket managed to acquire. The feud is still reflected by the wire fence erected by Sears at the edge of their parking lot (which adjoins Kalakaua Supermarket), a barrier which inconveniences shoppers who park in the Sears parking lot and enter the adjacent establishment. Maybe a representative of Kalakaua market should have been present at the board meeting. * *

"Bad for statehood!" was one comment of a man buying a copy of "The Navy and the MassieKahahawai Case." That recalls a number of instances in which persons have cited "threats" to statehood in reference to events and situations that displeased them. A few hastily recalled were: The longshore strike, and its reflection of a strong, militant union.

Statehood has been cited as an expediency for sending haoles, and not Orientals, on political errands to Washington.

It has been cited as a reason for failure to recommend and appoint a judge of Oriental ancestry. Japanese language programs were "bad for statehood," in the minds of those who opposed them. While the chief opponents of statehood remain Dixiecrat racists and northern Republicans, it seems fairly obvious that efforts by the non-haole population and by labor to win actual working equality in all ways will be called "bad for statehood" by those who also say the Big Five is a myth.

* *

Sen. Thelma Akana, in the 1948 session of the legislature, showed considerable interest in the reasons why the OR&L gets so much land for so small an amount of taxes—when it doesn't really operate a railroad at all any more. But Senator Thelma Akana Harrison, in the 1950 session, showed no such interest.

"She was certainly on the Dillinghams' side this last time." comments a prominent businessman.

Whatever method of lobbying Senator Ben Dillingham used, it must have been effective.

* *

CAF-1 is a rating that's almost unheard of in these days of inflation, but it disappeared last from the office of Controller Paul Keppeler. It pays about $90 a month and it was one of those civil service oversights of the sort E. C. Gallas is supposed to eliminate when his Territory-wide classification is finished.

* *

Sen. Thelma Akana, of Kauai, had plenty of things to say on Sunday morning's Aloha network broadcast about Harold Rice, and none of them were nice. They concerned the Maui member of the Hawaii Aeronautics Commission's high-handed action in authorizing thousands of dollars in expenditures for the Kahului airport without the approval of the rest of the commission. Fernandes had some harsh words for the rest of the commission, too.

He might have been even hotter if he'd heard what a commissioner told the RECORD—that it's quite possible the commission hasn't heard, even yet, of all the obligations Rice let the HAC in for before it passed a rule forbidding any more of this kind of spending.

* *

Every time the late Pfc. Hiroshi Kiriu wrote home from the Korean front to his parents in Waipahu he pleaded with them to write him letters.

"Why don't, you write me?" he constantly asked his parents, says a Waipahu friend of the family.

Recently after the Kiriu family was officially notified that Hiroshi had been killed in action, a bundle of letters addressed to him, all unopened, arrived through the mails. These were letters sent Hiroshi by his family, letters he never got to read.

* *

The Police department, with close to 40 vacancies, has been making strong representations as to its manpower shortage. Yet Walter Weatherwax, officer who resigned and then changed his mind, is kept waiting while he's asked routine questions—the answers to which are already in the department files. Weatherwax was one of the motorcycle patrolmen who got demoted and decided to quit after pounding a beat for awhile. But then he changed his mind again and was surprised, upon applying for his old job back, to be treated as if he were an utter stranger. Aside from the motorcycle episode, in which a number of superiors were guilty to at least an equal degree, Weatherwax is said to have an exemplary record. So, do they need experienced cops or don't they? Why is Weatherwax getting such a chill?

* *

Whether or not Mr. Gallas gets the job of reclassifying the police department, someone should do something about the fact that a policewoman, with plenty of experience, still rates no better than a patrolman, though her duties and responsibilities may be far greater.

* *

A quick probe by the C-C department of buildings into its own practices might eliminate, or at least reform the "radius fee" charged businessmen who install dance locales. The "radius fee," says one who has paid, must be figured by a C-C expert, and is based on a measurement from the center of the dance floor to the homes of neighbors. Our friend thinks he paid $24, but he says others have had to pay sums of at least twice that.

* *

WHO WROTE THIS? item:

"'You damn gook:

"If you don't know how to park a car junk it. There would be room enough behind if you'd move up!!

"An Enemy."

The envelope on which this was scribbled was tucked under a windshield wiper of an automobile owned by an AJA, parked on a one-way street downtown. In front of the car were two orange boxes with posters tacked on. saying "Please do not park here. Loading Zone."

Apparently the "enemy" was so blind with racial hatred that he could not see the orange boxes, nor the large signs on them.

This incident occurred last Saturday afternoon.

* *

A thursday luncheon club that has observers guessing—and has done so for a long time because of its mixed political and economic content—is that which includes Jack Burns, C-C disaster relief authority; Edward Burns, his brother, executive director of the Urban Redevelopment Agency; Thomas G. S. Walker, C-C civil service commissioner, and Bill Norwood, Castle & Cooke public relations man. The club is of the floating variety which moves from place to place.

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Washington (FP)—The Bureau of Labor Statistics, after a special survey, announced metal mining industries are finding it increasingly difficult to recruit new workers and to expand production. A shortage of 120,000 miners is forecast by 1955.

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Just what the Pentagon, Ridgway's headquarters and the general's negotiators at Panmunjon did not want to come to pass, for the time being anyway, came into force at the war front this week—a cease fire, at least on the ground in Korea.

As the Associated Press story describing the halt of ground warfare, with Korean and Chinese troops playing volleyball and smoking in full view of allied troops, reached the United States, Presidential Secretary Joseph Short said:

"There can be no cease fire in Korea until an armistice has been signed."

Earlier, the 8th Army headquarters had announced that "there is as of this date, 28 November 1951, no cease fire in Korea." This, despite the report of AP Correspondent Milo Farneti, from Korea's western front, that he had seen the order from the 8th Army to stop fighting.

Perhaps the wires got crossed. Perhaps someone jumped the gun. But this whole mess further exposed official Washington's position in the cease fire negotiations in Korea.

The dailies in Hawaii severely censor news dispatches and give their readers a clouded picture of goings on at Panmunjon. Thus, they have not published a recent UP dispatch from Panmunjon which said that there were fears among U. S. negotiators that "pressure from the American home front" would force a truce.

The Star-Bulletin, which occasionally publishes articles by Keyes Beech, correspondent for the Chicago Daily News, earlier this month failed to carry a significant statement made by that writer who said, from Tokyo in a Mutual Broadcasting System roundtable forum that the U. S. "doesn't really want a cease fire in Korea." Contrary to the impression given by the local dailies, Mr. Beech said that since truce talks began at Panmunjon the U. S. negotiators have made "absolutely no concessions" in the face of substantial efforts by North Korean-Chinese representatives to reach agreement.

Only this week the Advertiser published a story, for some time familiar to newspaper readers on the Mainland but fresh news to people here, that the GIs are raising doubts as to the U. S. desire to bring about a cease fire.

Recently, James R. Reston, Washington diplomatic correspondent of the New York Times, who is reported to have an inside track on administration news sources, said that for some time "there has been some feeling, not only within other allied governments, but within our own government, that the American military negotiators are quibbling over details."

Perhaps even official Washington, which is master-minding the Korean truce talks for the allied forces, saw the restlessness and heard criticisms of the constant stalling and had to put the blame somewhere.

Recently, foreign correspondents at Ridgway's headquarters were reported getting cynical about press handouts on the cease fire negotiations, and were beginning to refer to Chinese news reports. Then the 8th Army and Ridgway's headquarters captured the headlines with stories of Korean-Chinese atrocities. But even this fizzled and everyone passed the buck and the lowly U. S. colonel in Korea who released the information, had to take the rap.

Mr. Reston of the Times commented on this incident, "even government officials here conceded that it might look to theworld as if the U. S. was purposely trying to avoid a cease fire."

The greatest atrocity today and for the past year is the killing of hundreds of thousands of Korean women, children and civilian males by saturation bombing and searing by jellied gasoline.

The cease fire would stop all this. The GIs and their opponents on the battlefield in Korea want peace, just as do hundreds of millions in the world. What is the Truman government waiting for? "

Only the Truman government labels and indicts sincere activities for world peace as "subversive." But even this indictment was ruled by a conservative judge last week to be illegal.

The expressions for peace everywhere, growing stronger by the day, unmistakably have brought about the "unauthorized" cease fire in Korea. The people want peace and peace will be achieved.

Justice on Kauai, 1907

In the summer of 1907, Torao Nishimura, who lived at Waimea, Kauai, was sent to Lihue jail to serve a six-month sentence for vagrancy and assault and battery. Part of his hard labor was to help in preparing a taro patch on the private property of one C. W. Spitz, at Nawiliwili, opposite the house of jailer Enoka (or Enoch) Lovell. In the gang with him were a Korean and a Japanese named Kato.

The trio had asked that the Korean be made jail cook, but Lovell had chosen somebody else. On the morning of September 3, the breakfast prepared was found to consist of half-cooked rice, which none of the three could eat. So they trooped across the toad to Lovell's house and, with Nishimura as spokesman, asked the jailer for money with which to buy some bread. The money asked for was part of $25 belonging to Nishimura, held by Lovell while its owner was doing time.

Booted Hungry Inmates — One Became Sick

Lovell became angry and told the prisoners that this was no time of the day to be eating; let them wait until lunch time. According to Kato and the Korean, he did not wait for them to finish presenting their request, but struck Kato with his fist on the side of the head, drawing blood. He then turned upon Nishimura, first striking him with his fist and then kicking him in the groin or the lower part of the abdomen. Nishimura was knocked down and was unable to get up.

According to Lovell's story, however, the three prisoners assumed threatening attitudes and he literally kicked all three out of his house.

The jailer then got on his horse and commenced to herd the three prisoners back to the jail, but Nishimura was unable to walk unassisted. After the three had been locked up again, Nishimura complained of severe pains in his abdomen and asked that a doctor be sent for. Lovell refused his request. All night he suffered, and in the early morning renewed his request for a doctor, offering to pay the expense himself. Again his request was refused.

Too Late for Physician To Give Aid; No Grounds for Self-Defense

Later in the morning his condition became so palpably serious that Lovell telephoned to Dr. Putnam. After examining Nishimura, the physician declared that his condition by this time was such that he could do nothing for him. The man died about noon that day.

Lovell was brought before the district magistrate two days afterward, waived examination and was committed to the grand jury under $5,000 bond, charged with manslaughter. High Sheriff Henry, in charge of all jails throughout the Territory, removed him from his position.

Said Mr. Henry: "I was very sorry that it became necessary for me to remove Lovell, but there was nothing else that could have been done under the circumstances; there had never before been any complaint against the man and he had been nineteen years in the service. Whether he had any excuse for his treatment of the prisoner I am unable to say; I can imagine no excuse except that of self-defense and as far as the evidence available is concerned there seems no grounds for self-defense."

"Respectable" People Concerned for Lovell

Mr. Henry—and the "respectable" people of Kauai—seemed much concerned that a "well-liked" jailer had got into trouble.

Some of the Japanese of Waimea formed a delegation and came to Lihue, where an editor named Fukunaga advised them to wait and see what the authorities would do. Lovell was brought to trial on November 16. The prosecution was handled by a deputy attorney general, unassisted by outside counsel—for the Japanese consul advised against engaging a private lawyer. Lovell, however, was defended by W. A. Kinney, one of the best attorneys in Hawaii.

Hans Isenberg, S. W. Wilcox and other big shots of Kauai appeared as character witnesses for Lovell. The defendant himself took the stand and testified that he acted "under considerable provocation and some degree of menace toward himself." Sheriff Rice testified that no bruise was visible on Nishimura's body at the inquest. The physician testified) that although Nishimura died of acute peritonitis, there was no certainty that it was caused by Lovell's kick.

Lovell was found not guilty.

World War II veterans returned to their respective communities after their military service to participate in building more wholesome environments. They particularly saw the need of improvements when so many had to double up with friends and families and suffer inconveniences because housing was inadequate. This was merely one of their many wants.

The purchase of home and homesites was beyond the means of the great majority of veterans. A comparatively few took GI housing loans, but the number who can afford to buy houses under this plan is relatively small.

A great many of the veterans and their families turned to converted army and navy barracks, and emergency civilian cracker-box housing. Even here the waiting list was and is long, and with the war program going on again, some veterans are being evicted to make room for servicemen's families.

Construction of public housing would have alleviated this difficulty and inconvenience for veterans and their families, but the government ignored such crying need in almost every community in the United States.

Money spent in such a constructive effort would have postponed the depression just as effectively as the Korean war into which President Truman plunged this nation without congressional authority, at a time when all the earmarks of a depression were present—growing unemployment, high inventory, etc.

The big business-controlled government would not spend for housing, and continue the GI education program and other programs for veterans, in full force, but laid the groundwork for rearmament spending that now runs into $70 billion. The profits from such a war program go to big business. The tax bite to finance such a program hurts small wage earners the most, while exemptions and tax amortization further help to line the pockets of war profiteers.

In order to finance such a war program, now the government is economizing on spending for general welfare. Thus we find the public housing administration authorized by the Lanham Act to increase rents in veterans' housing 20 per cent beginning December 1.

On the Mainland, veterans are protesting this rent increase at a time when the cost of living is mounting.

Locally, the Disabled American Veterans on Oahu have taken a commendable stand. They are not only opposing rent increases but are asking for reduction of rentals in veterans' housing units of from $6 to $8 per unit. This is fair and proper.

The DAV resolution says in part, that the buildings were constructed at a low standard. It mentions Manoa housing as being typical of housing for veterans on Oahu. It further points out that the housing units were to have yielded the Federal government a 100 per cent return on its investment within the five-year period which ended May 11, 1950.

There is still time for veterans' organizations and individual veterans to protest this unjustified increase. Why should veterans pay higher rentals on housing that was all paid for a year and a half ago? Why take from the veterans and give to war profiteers.

BY Frank Marshall Davis

Four Presidential Prospects

They call leading candidates presidential timber. But looking to 1952, the four most likely prospects seem to me warped wood rather than first grade timber.

Only once since 1928, when I first began voting, have I failed to cast my ballot for President. That was in 1932 when I was an editor in Atlanta, down in the capital city of the home state of that great American, Chairman John Wood of the un-American committee. I did not vote because democracy as practiced by Wood's political associates, denied the ballot to citizens of my color.

Undoubtedly, I shall be forced to again miss going to the polls in the 1952 national elections since you and I live in a colony which has taxation without representation. Unless there is a major change in the presidential picture, it is just as well, for I could vote for none of the four most likely candidates and live with myself.

Not One Acceptable To Broad Masses of Negroes

These four, as you know, are Truman and Vinson on the Democratic ticket and Taft and Eisenhower, Republicans.

Political observers know that there are some 15 states in which the Negro vote holds the balance of power and thus can throw the entire state into either the GOP or Democratic columns in a close election. And since the treatment of Negroes not only is the test of democracy but sets the pattern for the treatment of other non-white groups, it pays to see what Negroes think of the actions and attitudes of these candidates. As of now, not one of these is acceptable to thebroad masses of Negroes.

Truman Outstanding For Failure To Deliver

Let's consider Truman. He was elected in 1948 primarily with the support of Negroes and labor. When the Dixiecrats withdrew and fought him on the basis of his civil rights program, broad) backing of Negro voters was immediately assured. But the President has been outstanding in his failure to deliver, blaming the Dixiecrats for blocking passage of this legislation. However, his ability to get the backing of Southern solons on other matters, and the fact that he went fishing in Florida when civil rights bills first came up in Congress after his election, has caused many Negroes to turn thumbs down on him.

As for Supreme Court Justice Vinson, he would be automatically unacceptable because he comes from Dixie and is considered to have the traditional white supremacy attitude of that section. But there are also other marks against him, among them his decision in the cases of the 11 top Communists convicted under the Smith Act. The majority Supreme Court decision has been seen by leading Negroes, among them officials of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, as paving the way for the jailing of Negroes in the South who fight jim crow.

For many years now, Taft has had little following among Negroes, and again, the reason is his attitude on civil rights. As the Senate's leading Republican, it is a known fact that if Taft backed such legislation, its passage would have been virtually assured. Instead, he is a bitter foe of a strong Fair Employment Practices Act since it would "interfere with employers' rights" (to discriminate?) and opposes civil rights laws in general "because present legislation is sufficient if properly enforced." Further, he has made an open bid for support from the South, traditional enemy of the Negro people.

During World War II, Gen. Eisenhower was accepted by Negroes as a hero. He was thought to be fair-minded and without noticeable bias. But when, some four or five years ago, he appeared before a congressional committee and stated that he opposed integration of Negroes and whites in mixed units in the army, he stunned and angered many potential Negro supporters who consider abolition of segregation in the armed forces a matter of primary importance.

None Can Get More Than Lukewarm Support

These, then, are prevailing Negro attitudes toward the four men now considered to be the most likely presidential candidates. As matters now stand, none can get more than lukewarm support from the colored masses of America; unless a new angle such as the Dixiecrat "revolt" is injected into the coming, campaign, there is not likely to be a candidate capable of winning strong Negro support and thus the possibility of carrying 15 crucial states in a close election.

I had believed, after the passing of Roosevelt, that 1952 was likely to be the low spot in American politics; & look at the caliber of these four possibilities does not make me change my mind.