Heroin Said Behind Slaying; Victim May Have Walked One Block After Fatal Blow

Behind the death at the hands of unknown assailants of Harry Luhe, this week, lies a story, as yet mostly unknown, of the growing heroin traffic.

That is the talk being circulated in underworld quarters. Police say they are unable to substantiate it.

The talk has it that Luhe, a laborer for Hawaiian Dredging Co., was involved, possibly unwillingly, in a narcotics transaction which cost him his life. Even those usually informed on such matters have very sketchy ideas of the possible motives, but they believe that at least two persons who were attempting to collect money from Luhe, beat him when they failed of their purpose.

Further, the same sources say, reports of police and newspapers that Luhe was beaten at the corner of Maunakea and Beretania Sts. may be incorrect. Luhe actually was beaten in Beretania Park, at the corner of Smith and Beretania Sts., and probably semiconscious, walked to the Maunakea-Beretania corner where he collapsed at 2:50 p.m. last Saturday, never to regain consciousness again, the underworld believes.

No One Saw Violence

Police investigation has uncovered one witness, Capt. Leon Straus of the detective division says, who saw Luhe fall, but saw none of the fatal blows or anything resembling them. Though the street corner was crowded with its normal Saturday afternoon gathering, no one has been found who saw violence in connection with Luhe, Straus said.

According to the one witness, an unidentified man approached Luhe in a friendly manner and said: "Let's go."

After the witness' attention was diverted for a moment, a sound like a slap was heard and Luhe was observed lying down. The man who had accosted him was walking casually down the street as if nothing had happened, and he has not been located.

Luhe died Tuesday night at Queen's Hospital without ever regaining consciousness. His injury had been diagnosed as a basal skull fracture.

First Death In Drug Traffic

The killing is the first death in a series of incidents of ever-increasing violence that have attended the drug traffic here. Beatings have been fairly frequent, and there were a few occasions when gunplay heightened the action, but none of these resulted in death.

At the same time, the atmosphere surrounding the traffic has grown more pregnant with violence as the number of local people addicted to heroin increased. This upsurge of violence is generally attributed to the desperation with which addicts have been forced to seek money with which to buy the drug. Almost without exception, known local addicts have come from low income groups.

Even organized labor has not escaped untouched and the list of local known addicts includes several who were formerly active in union work, but who have become so incapacitated by their addiction that they are no longer able to hold jobs, or to participate in union activities. It is taken as significant that none of these known addicts were members of the ILWU, which conducted a vigorous educational radio campaign exposing the horrors of drug addiction and the traffic here.

When Dairymen's Association, Ltd., opened its Kailua distribution station on October 22, close observers of the competition between Dairymen's and Campos Dairy Products, Ltd., chalked up this round to the former.

George Cannon, vice president and manager of Dairymen's milk department, denied over the phone that his firm had difficulties in getting a location in the Kailua area, which is practically controlled by Harold Castle, whose land Campos leases. Mr. Cannon also said that the entrance of Campos into the milk distribution business did not cause Dairymen's to open a station in Kailua. Campos operates from Kailua.

Dairymen's Acquired Land Asked if it were true that th9 "Castle-Campos combine" placed obstacles in his way, Mr. Cannon remarked:

"Castle did try to keep us out. Castle thought he controlled all the land there. But we don't have anything to prove that." Dairymen's acquired a location not controlled by Mr. Castle.

The Campos Dairy Products, Ltd., began operating in August of this year when Lawrence Campos' contract to supply Dairymen's with milk terminated. Up until then, Campos had a special deal with Dairymen's which guaranteed him a fiat rate for his milk while other milk producers were paid on butterfat content of their product and were always uncertain as to the price they would get for their milk.

"Before I Haul Milk ..."

Mr. Campos is reported to have said: "Before I haul milk over the Pali, I must know how much I'm getting."

A couple of years ago, when Mr. Campos wanted the same guarantee written into his new contract, Dairymen's refused and Campos began making plans for his milk plant. Milk producers who supply Dairymen's sent representatives to talk Campos into agreeing with Dairymen's proposals but Campos refused to change his position. Payment on the basis of butterfat content has been a source of discontent among many milk producers but it is reported that they are not in a position to oppose the setup.

Had Pre-War Plans

In explaining that the opening of the Kailua station was merely the carrying out of pre-war plans, Mr. Cannon said that in 1940, Dairymen's considered buying the Kailua Tavern. Then war came and nothing was done, until recently.

"We had plans for Kailua for a long time," he said. "In March of this year, Dairymen's looked into a lease on a site in the Kailua area but the property was involved with financial problems and the deal was dropped.

"Plenty of Business"

To give the impression that the Campos competition was hurting Dairymen's, a source indicated to the RECORD, rumors were spread that Dairymen's was trying to buy out Campos.

"Even some of the Camposes went out and told that," a well-informed source said. "If Campos wants to be in business, fine," Mr. Cannon said. "There is plenty of business for everybody."

It sounded almost like boasting when a frail, 99-pound man stood diffidently before Judge Harry Steiner Tuesday in district court and pleaded guilty to assaulting a policeman.

The little man was Sam Apana, well known as Hawaii's top steeplejack and the son of "Charlie Chan." The officer was William Jones, who stands close to six feet and is built in good proportion. Apana was not represented by legal counsel, and he wasn't boasting. Neither did he think he was really guilty.

"They told me to cut it short," he told the RECORD later. "I wanted to get the case pau so I could go to work. But I think it's a raw deal—a cop beats me up and I have to pay a fine." After Apana's plea of guilty, Judge Steiner fined him $50 and gave him a year's suspended sentence.

According to Apana's story which he never told in court, he became involved in an argument about traffic tickets between the officer and another man on Maunakea St. Nov. 9, about 2:30 p. m.

The officer seized him, he said, after he had made a couple of comments, and told him he was under arrest.

"He says I called him all kinds of names," Apana explains, "but I didn't."

The slight, 51-year-old Apana says Jones grabbed him by the belt, punched him in the stomach and finally choked him against a telephone pole. It was at that point, Apana says, that the only possible "assault" by him against the burly officer might have occurred.

"When he was choking me, I couldn't breathe and I struggled and kicked any kind. He said later I kicked him and I might have kicked then trying to get my breath, but I didn't know it." The policeman couldn't have considered him or his "assault" very dangerous, Apana says, because "He didn't search me or anything. He just threw me into the car rough and tumble style." Later, when someone told Jones he shouldn't be arresting the son of "Charlie Chan," Apana says, the officer complained that no one had told him who he was arresting.

Chang Apana Was Father

Apana's father was the well known, oldtime officer, Chang Apana, upon whom writer Earl Derr Biggers is said to have modeled his fictional detective, Charlie Chan.

Next day, Apana went down to the police station to make a personal complaint to Chief Dan Liu, but he says: "I didn't get to see the chief. They sent me to some other man and I talked to him."

Because he didn't have the $50 to pay his fine Tuesday, he says Judge Steiner gave him until Jan. 3 to raise it.

Risks Life On Job

"I'll have to earn it by risking my life," the frail steeplejack told the RECORD. "Every time I work I risk my life."

The last big job Apana had was at Honokaa, Hawaii, where he| painted the 175-foot smokestack of the Honokaa Sugar Co. The day of his "assault" on the husky policeman, he had just finished a job on the Ewa school flagpole.

Behind Barbed Wire and Watch Towers XIII.

Many times in the history of our country, dominant, bigoted elements have whipped up hysteria to stifle and regiment the thinking and behavior of the vast populace. Fear stalked the land then, a country proud of its democratic heritage, as non-conformists were arrested and thrown in jail, all in the attempt by the ruling elements to quash criticism and control the thoughts of the people.

Such was the time of the Alien and Sedition Acts when Thomas Jefferson himself was labelled a foreign agent. A great democratic movement was shaking France then, as the rising capitalist class took over the government from the feudal nobility.

Such also was the time after the First World War when the Palmer raids were conducted by G-men (FBI) and jails were crowded, especially in the eastern states. A great revolution was going on in Europe, particularly in Russia where the Tsarist government was removed and replaced by a government of workers, peasants and intellectuals. Here too, feudalism was wiped away and the Soviet Union moved on to Socialism.

Such also, is the present period, following World War II, which awakened the consciousness of colonial peoples for independence and a better life of decency, equality and human respect. Many nations participated in the struggle against the Axis powers and the colonial and semi-colonial people who took up arms on our side learned to fight against imperialism. While they resisted Japanese or German imperialism during the war, when the war was over, they resisted in like manner, the return of the British or Dutch or French rulers again to exploit them and the natural resources of their land.

As Supreme Court Justice Douglas and many others prominent in our country have said, this is a period of great social revolution. Today, imperialism is at its twilight stage. Korea, Indo-China, Malaya, Iran and the present conflict in Egypt are all part and parcel of the struggle of a billion colonial or semi-colonial people for control overt heir own lives.

And today there is hysteria again in our great country of democratic traditions, which grew out of a revolution to free people of the 13 colonies from despotic British rule.

Because our country grew out of such a struggle for freedom and because of the movement for liberation inspired under Roosevelt's administration—particularly during World War II— it was natural for colonial people to look to the United States for support in freeing themselves from British, French or Dutch rule after World War II. But the leaders of our nation—the dominant business and financial groups and their errand boys in government—are interested in the natural resources and cheap labor of the colonies and semi-colonies controlled by Britain, France and The Netherlands. If the people become free and independent, the profiteering would end. Such is the threatening condition in oil-rich Iran today, or rubber-rich Malaya.

Imperialism Means War; Freedom Means Peace

To keep down or destroy the aspirations of these freedom-seeking people, the imperialist powers use force against them. Thus, today imperialism means war and freedom and development of colonial areas means peace.

In such a time it is very unpopular to speak out for (peace. Only two weeks ago, peace was ruled in a Federal court as not being a "subversive" or foreign movement dangerous to the United States. This was a decided victory for freedom-loving and freedom-seeking people. People generally are afraid to speak for peace in this country today because this word has been labelled "subversive" and stigmatized by leaders in government.

Fear Stalks the Land Again

Now, as during the period of the Alien and Sedition Acts and the Palmer raids, fear stalks the land again. People who do not conform to the "cold" war, "contain communism" thinking, are arrested and jailed. The constitutional right for bail is even denied, as in the case of 15 Smith Act victims in Los Angeles. These arrests are only the beginning of further mass arrests if they are not stopped by an aroused populace.

None of the numerous Smith Act victims are charged with any overt act against the country. But their arrests and trials are employed to silence opposition to the unpopular war program and to whip up war sentiment, something which is essential to continue an "emergency" economy that brings high profits to the big industrialists and financiers. And in order to create such a hysterical atmosphere, the propaganda is directed against the Soviet Union, communism and socialism.

If we were to conduct a vote among the world's billion non-white colonial and semi-colonial people, I am sure that they would not express the alarming sentiment against the Soviet Union, propaganda which the administration directs at them through the Voice of America. They look for support from any nation and the record shows that the Soviet Union is on their side. I am sure they would tell us that we ourselves, have strayed far from the spirit of '76.

Evacuation Came During a Period of Hysteria

In the spring of 1942 when 110,000 of us, all of Japanese ancestry, were put behind barbed wire and watch towers, we also, were not charged with any overt act or crime against the United States. Hysteria had been whipped up against us, with lies drummed by the press and radio.

And this was another period of hysteria within our country when so many of us were summarily locked away—and for what? At that time the dominant racists and vested interests who wanted to grab hold of alien and Japanese American property and businesses, made it appear that we were dangerous, and so many Americans came to believe this.

The night of April 2, 1942, when our bus entered the barbed wire compound of a mile square which was to house 10,000 people, I wondered when we would get out of Manzanar Relocation Center. I wondered whether people outside who believed in civil rights would raise their voices and fight for us. One of my friends who had studied in Japan, told me that we might be shipped to Japan after the war. His wife, who was to give birth to the first child born in Manzanar, listened quietly, showing all the signs of exhaustion after the 13-hour trip from Los Angeles.

We Were All Alike, Rich and Poor, Weak and Strong

My longshoreman friend from San Francisco was already at Manzanar, having arrived there in an earlier contingent. He greeted us and helped us stuff our mattress sacks with straw. We registered at an office and were given numbers. Then we walked to the tar-papered barracks assigned us.

I was thrilled by the sight of people working together, strangers thrown together. The early volunteers helped new arrivals to get settled. No one could miss the spontaneous unity of feeling, the common struggle of displaced persons to make a go of this existence. For the moment we were all alike, the rich and the poor, talented and untalented, strong and weak. I thought, that as we build this community on his dry, forsaken land, we would find grooves to fit into. We would discover new interests and nurture hopes of passing through the gate in the barbed wire fence on our way out of this imprisonment.

"I've Lost Everything I Had"

I walked into the small barracks room covered with dust. with wind whistling in from between the rafters and the walls and from the wide cracks in the flooring.

Four old bachelors walked in with their straw-filled mattresses. We introduced ourselves.

"Where are you from?" one of them asked me in Japanese.

"From Hawaii, originally," I answered.

"You have a home then. At least a place to go back to some day," he said with an encouraging smile. "But your home is far away."

"For the time being, this is home for us," I said.

"Mine, too." The old fellow half-closed his eyes, shook his head sideways and said softly, as though he were talking to himself, "I've lost everything I had."

"We'll make out all right. We all will," I tried to encourage him.

We walked out into the darkness and my longshore friend yelled: "Watch out for the ditches. A guy broke his arm the other night."

Natural Prison Walls Outside Barbed Wire Fence

When I opened my barracks door shortly after dawn the following morning, I saw in front of me a gigantic, harsh granite wall which soared into the sky a few miles to the west of our concentration camp. This was the Sierra Nevada range, stretching north and south for miles and miles. What a chilling image! It looked dark and foreboding, like a giant bat with wings outstretched, watching us from aloft.

I had never imagined I would see the highest mountain in the United States under such circumstances. To the south of us was Mt. Whitney, 14,500 feet high. Much closer, about 10 air miles away, stood Mt. Williamson, almost as high. The grandeur of these lofty summits did not fascinate me as I had once thought they would.

In my grade school in Kona I had studied about them from beautifully colored illustrations and descriptive words in geography books. I had a tourist's view then. But at Manzanar, the Sierra) Nevada range was a natural barricade for us, outside the barbed wire compound. Early in the afternoon, the mountain range cast shadows over Manzanar, shadows that brought with them depressing feelings to hundreds of people.

A Prayer for Everybody

To the east of us rose the tawny, rolling Inyo and White Mountain ranges, running parallel with the lofty Sierra Nevadas. Owens Valley was a narrow strip between these two ranges, and our Manzanar was a point in this arid, semi-desert, bronze, sage-covered plain. Far to the north was Reno, the city of quick divorces, and south of us was Los Angeles, from whence we came.

As I stood looking at the granite giant from the doorway, I heard a woman in the next room praying to Buddha. How like my mother, I thought. With all the cracks and openings in the wall that ended halfway to the roof and had no ceiling to give privacy to occupants, I could hear the prayer very clearly. The woman prayed for her health, her family's well being and for everyone in camp.

Later on in the day, her daughter told me that her mother should not pray, for the FBI might arrest her. And the mother told me that she had prayed as long as she could remember and deeply regretted that fear of government reprisal had forced her to burn her Buddha and the tablets of the family dead.

To Protect Us From "Angry Americans"

One of my roommates woke me up as I was sitting in the doorway and asked: "Who do you think will try to escape from here?"

"I think no one here thinks of that," I replied.

From where I sat I could see the eastern and western ends of Manzanar. Military guards patrolled outside the barbed-wire fence and high watch towers were going up, equipped with searchlights whose powerful beams were to play over the camp at night, disturbing) our peaceful slumber.

A few days after we arrived in Manzanar, an administrative officer talked to those of us who lived in Block 10. He asked us not to complain but to cooperate, to be model evacuees so that the government would not make it tough on us. He said the newspapers had whipped up sentiment against us and that we were in no position to roam the country at large. He said that the watch towers and barbed wire fences were put up for our, own protection from "angry" Americans.

Common Struggle Against Physical Elements Banded Us Together

In the late spring the wind blew vehemently, frequently at suppertime when we stood in long queues. Dust moved like a thick brown wall at 40 to 50 miles an hour, so thick that we could not see the line of barracks across from ours. The rooms were constantly filled with dust and there was no use in cleaning.

Mothers carefully covered their infants' heads with blankets and hurried into mess halls where people lined between tables in twisting, endless queues, waiting their turn to be served. We could not see anything outside the windows but brown dust, which blew into the mess hall and formed a brownish skum over milk for babies and over our food like pepper.

People hurried through their meals. The morale was high for people who had suffered so much, sustained great losses in crops they had left behind, farms and property they had lost. We all got together to combat harsh physical elements of cold, wind and dust. We had almost no time to brood. The novelty of communal living took time and effort for adjustment. But all this was a temporary condition and we faced difficulties ahead. (To Be Continued)

Are you planning on an excursion tour of Japan?

Here are a few pointers which local tourists should look into.

One travel agency, to the RECORD'S knowledge, advertises rates as published by the Japan Travel Bureau. Others do not misrepresent, but their advertising is misleading, according to sources in the Japanese community.

$13 Is Correct Figure

The travel agency operated by Nakamura Hotel, Kawasaki Hotel and Tohoku Hotel advertises $13 as the daily expense for local people travelling in Japan under their plan. The $13 is the rate specified in the Japan Travel Bureau circular for a tour group of 30, plus two tour conductors.

A spokesman of the above agency informed the RECORD that excursions comprise more than 30 people generally, and $13 is the correct amount to be charged.

Various other local agencies advertise that $15 is the charge per day per person in Japan. This is the rate specified in the Japan Travel Bureau's circular as the rate for a person in a tour consisting of from one to 25 persons. From 25-30 the rate goes down to $14 a day.

Reasons for Various Prices

The conformity or non-conformity to the travel bureau's schedule is a reason for the difference in prices charged by agencies, according to the informed source. Other factors cause a difference in prices, although travel facilities and accommodations in Japan are all alike.

For most tour agencies here, the Japan Travel Bureau handles the excursions in Japan. The Nakamura-Kawasaki-To-hoku agency does not use the facilities of the Japan Travel Bureau, but claims that what they offer local travellers is in every respect similar or better.

One travel agency in Honolulu which handled an excursion to Japan, charged travellers $815 each rather than the $830 minimum, for the entire 21-day trip. Because the tourists travelled "open third class" on an American President Lines ship, the correct figure should have been $760, the RECORD was. told by a person closely associated with the tourist industry. "Open third class" is $70 cheaper than the "toku-san" (special third class) which is commonly used by excursion groups. "Toku-san" on a President Lines ship costs $500 round trip, whereas "open third class" costs $430.

While the Nakamura-Kawasaki-Tohoku agency charges $830 for a round trip, providing "toku-san" accommodations aboard ship, various others charge as high as $870 for the 21-day tour.

The breakdown of the cost of a 21-day trip with more than 30 tourists in the excursion is as follows:

Hotel fee for making arrangements, looking after passports and other paper work, $25; alien head-tax, $8; travel expense in Japan, $13 a day ($286 for 22 days, which is generally the time alotted per tour); fee for tour agent, $11.

The take for the tour agencies varies according to the amount they charge tourists, but on the above minimum, an agency gets the $11 and 10 per cent of the $286 from the Japan Travel Bureau.

Tuberculosis robs the nation of approximately one million working years each year—time lost by people who die of the disease.

"You'll find out." That's the answer Henry Epstein, regional director of the United Public Workers of America has for a question as to whether or not his organization will participate in the election, petitioned by the Hawaiian Government Employees, to determine what organization will represent all government employes in the Territory at the legislature.

But Epstein leaves no doubt that the Star-Bulletin was premature when it predicted that the UPWA will not participate. "Make no mistake about it," said Epstein. "We see this election as something the Territory will be sorry it ever got itself into, but that doesn't mean we won't participate. We'll do the best thing for our members, but we're not saying right now what that is." Epstein visited the office of the Secretary of Hawaii Tuesday to examine the petitions filed by the HGEA to determine the type of document and statement required.

In the meantime, the RECORD was receiving reports that the HGEA petition may not be as solid as it looks. From one department, a signer said he had signed because he had been pressured to do so by a superior in such a manner that he felt that to refuse would be to endanger his job.

A former HGEA member told the RECORD, too, that he knew of seven resignations in the organization within the past week and he was by no means sure some of the seven had not signed! the petition.

No Money for Election

Still another pointed out that the legislature appropriated no money for the election and that the Secretary of Hawaii has his own funds strictly budgeted.

From a C-C department not referred to above, came reports that one woman, attempting to resign not long ago, had stayed in only after considerable pressure, and that another, who joined the UPWA as well as the HGEA, was berated by her superior, who told her she couldn't belong to both organizations.

All traces of temper were absent from the tea given in honor of Mrs. Oscar L. Chapman at the home of Mrs. Lester Marks, Old Pali Road, Tuesday, and Democratic women who have been involved in a factional fight, smiled and chatted amicably, with all vestiges of past differences hidden for the moment.

Although originally organized and planned by the Democratic Women's Division (standpat), the tea finally was presented as being that of "The Democratic Women of Hawaii" and that seemed to include two cliques of right-wingers as well as of the DWD.

At the head of the receiving line Tuesday was Mrs. Victoria Holt, national committeewoman. After her was Mrs. Lester Marks, senior hostess, then Mrs. Chapman, guest of honor, Mrs. Elbert Thomas, wife of the Commissioner of the Trust Territories. Mrs. Oren E. Long, wife of the governor, and Mrs. John H. Wilson, wife of the mayor of Honolulu.

Absent from the receiving line were Mrs. Thelma Monaghan, chairman of one right-wing faction of women, and Mrs. Lehua Kempa, chairman of the DWD. Behind The "Unity"

Behind those absences and behind the outward "unity" of the groups lay a story that Mrs. Chapman will probably never know unless she reads it in the RECORD.

When women of the Democratic Women's Division first conceived the idea of entertaining Mrs. Chapman at a tea, they say, they called Mrs. Long to ask if they might hold it at the governor's mansion at Washington Place. Mrs. Long regretted, but it would be difficult to get the house, and besides there was a committee for the reception of Mrs. Chapman. The DWD should get in touch with Thomas Vance, head of the department of institutions, Mrs. Long advised, since he was chairman of that committee.

But Mr. Vance, when contacted, said he didn't know anything and it was the first time he had heard he was chairman of any committee like that. Feeling that they had better move in other directions, if they expected to get a locale, the DWD asked Mrs. Marks, who said she'd be glad to lend her house for the tea.

The DWD then called Gov. Long and Secretary Frank Serrao and got what they thought was official blessing for their tea. Both officials expressed themselves as highly pleased with the initiative of the women, officials of the DWD said.

But it developed that maybe the governor was not so pleased after all, and later it is reported he contacted Mrs. Marks to warn her against allowing her home to be used by the standpatters. Mrs. Marks told the DWD people she didn't want to get involved in a factional fight.

So after inquiries had been made again, members of the factions, Mrs. Victoria Holt and Mrs. Thelma Monaghan, met with the governor and other members of the official reception committee (now beginning to function) and Mrs. Lehua Kempa, chairman of the DWD attended to find out what had made Gov. Long and Mrs. Marks change their minds. Gov. Long told Mrs. Kempa he wanted Mrs. Holt and Mrs. Monaghan on the receiving line. Mrs. Kempa agreed that Mrs. Holt should be there, since she is national committeewoman, but she would not accept Mrs. Monaghan.

Mrs. Holt Points To Facts High point in the meeting came when Long asked each woman which organization she represented. When Mrs. Monaghan said ' she represented the right-wing women's division, it was Mrs. Holt who pointed out that there is no longer a right-wing county committee and that Mrs. Monaghan's faction is wholly without official status.

Such a deficiency, however, did not sway Gov. Long from a determination to give Mrs. Monaghan some status, but the DWD stood firm. The final compromise was that neither Mrs. Kempa nor Mrs. Monaghan would be in the receiving line.

But none of these differences showed at Tuesday's tea, at which more than 200 guests, in an atmosphere of easy informality, enjoyed themselves. Entertainment was provided by an orchestra of Hawaiian musicians, and the high point came when Mrs. Harriet Magoon, Mayor Wilson's secretary, sang and danced a hula in incredibly high heels.

Mr. Marks borrowed a ukulele from one of the musicians and gave Mrs. Chapman and the other guests of his good will and musical talent.

Informally, he also pointed out flags of the Territorial surveyors' which cut his property in what would be the Territory's Pali road —if it weren't for the Kalihi tunnel. Mr. Marks said he paid 50 cents a foot for the beautiful property, but that Territorial appraisers appear to be willing to pay no more than 15 cents a foot for the part they wish to condemn.

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San Francisco (FP)— There is a mine in Morocco which, produces lead and zinc. It is called Zellidja and Fortune magazine describes it as "the most modern mine and mill in the world."

But on one score it is not modern. It pays its workers 15 cents an hour.

The story of Zellidja is told by Pacts & Figures, publication of Union Research & Information Service, in a study of "international runaway shops."

Bases and Empires

The Moroccan mine is run by Newmont Mining Corp.. St. Joseph Lead Co. and by French financial interests. Newmont is a Morgan company with its head offices at 14 Wall St.. New York. Newmont, in turn, owns a substantial part of St. Joseph Lead, which has a J. P. Morgan official on its board of directors. Former Secretary of State James Byrnes is a director of Newmont, as is retired Gen. Lucius Clay.

"No businessman is going to set up a runaway shop in Morocco or any place else for that matter," Facts & Figures notes, "unless he has some assurance that his investment is safe, particularly from expropriation by workers who don't like wages of 15 cents an hour."

The Morgan interests' protection may be found in part in "Nouasseur, Sidi Slimaine, Mechra bel Ksiri and other places which mark the locations of U. S. military air bases in Morocco," Facts & Figures says.

It admits "this might be just a coincidence" if it were not for the presence of men like Clay and Byrnes on Newmont's board of directors and the fact that its president is Fred Searls, until recently, assistant director of defense mobilization.

Fatten On ECA Fund "By another strange coincidence," it reports, ". . . $7,600,000 in ECA funds has found its way into this Zellidja operation . . . ECA funds seem to flow into enterprises in which Newmont has interests. For example, Mid-African Exploration Co. (in which Newmont holds 100,000 shares) received $2,813,000 in ECA funds to carry out exploration, ore testing and subsequent development work on lead, copper and zinc deposits in the Middle Congo."

Discussing the growing trend in American industry to expand foreign operations, the publication says: "We have frequently heard of the low wages, deplorable working conditions, discrimination against natives, and so on, practiced by the imperialist British, French, Dutch and Belgians in their colonies. We are reluctant to recognize that U. S. corporations are no different from any other corporations when it comes to exploiting foreign workers." Newmont pays 13 cents an hour to South African workers in its Nababeep and O'okiep copper mines. Newmont and American Metal pay native workers 6 cents an hour at their Tsumeb nonferrous mines in Southwest Africa. In its February 1950 issue, Fortune reported: "Tsumeb . . . is synonymous with profits . . . In three years of operation Tsumeb has extracted between $8 million and $9 million net earnings." Runaway Shops Low Wage Area Pacts & Figures shows that for each dollar in wages U. S. corporations pay workers here, they pay foreign workers as follows: Canada 65 cents; Australia 33 cents; Great Britain 27 cents; Chile 25 cents; France 21 cents; West Germany 21 cents; Italy 19 cents; The Netherlands 16 cents and Austria 13 cents.

U. S. corporations and are now the major holders of foreign investments in the world today, it reports. The $20 billion of U. S. investments abroad represent three-fifths of the world total of $33 billion. American private businesses now own almost twice as much in foreign holdings as the British.

Madison, Wis. (FP)—If Franklin D. Roosevelt were alive today, he would be barred from government office as a poor security risk under loyalty standards set up by the Air Force.

The Air Force standards were disclosed in a statewide Armistice Day broadcast by William T. Evjue, editor and publisher of the Capital Times. He told of a visit to his office by a representative of the intelligence department of the Defense Department, Air Force Division.

"Our visitor stated that he wanted to get some information about a Madison citizen who has been corresponding with a young man in the Air Force," Evjue said. "The first question this representative of the air gestapo asked was: 'Is this man an extreme liberal?' This question puzzled me. The thought flashed through my mind—have we now reached a point where an extreme liberal has become suspect with the military brass? "And so I countered with the question: 'If I were to tell you that this man is an extreme liberal (which he is) would that make him suspect with your superiors?'

FDR for Communist Fronts "To this he replied tartly, believe it or not: 'Well, do you blame us for being careful when it was shown that a former President belonged to 95 per cent of the Communist fronts in the country?'

"Amazed at this statement, I asked: 'Whom are you referring to?'

"He replied: 'President Roosevelt.'

"It seemed unbelievable," Evjue continued, "that a person representing the government was making statements of this kind about a former President of the United States. Quite naturally, my dander went up and I said: 'I challenge you to name one Communist front to which Roosevelt belonged.'

"Then he began to squirm. 'I didn't mean to say that he belonged to these fronts,' he replied. 'I should have said that he endorsed these fronts.'

Editor Sees Fascist Trend "Again I challenged him to name one Communist front that Roosevelt . had endorsed. When men holding official positions with the U. S. government are out over the country telling the American people that the military believes that the person who has liberal ideas is untrustworthy and suspect, then we are getting pretty close to the techniques that were followed in Communist Russia, Hitler German and fascist Italy."

Hear Plea for Peace 20,000 Defy Red-Baiters,

The retaining wall put up by the Justice Department and pro-war elements within the United States against peace movements crumbled further as Dr. W. E. B. DuBois and four of his associates who worked with him in the Peace Information Center were cleared of the foreign agent charges and the government's case was dismissed in the nation's capital by Federal Judge Mathew F. McGuire.

IN LOS ANGELES, peace sentiment flowed as, 20,000 crowded into the Hollywood Bowl to hear Bishop G. Bromley Oxnam, president of the World Council of Churches, strongly give voice to peace on November 19.

But as Bishop Oxnam addressed the gathering sponsored by 162 metropolitan Methodist churches in concluding a week-long "Walking Revival," the American Council of Christian Churches in Los Angeles region protested Bishop Oxnam's participation.

The complaint of the ACCC was this: Bishop Oxnam did "not represent either true Christianity nor our American way of life, since he was sponsor of the United States-Soviet friendship rallies and was chairman of the Massachusetts Council of American-Soviet Friendship."

Twenty thousand answered this attack by crowding the Hollywood Bowl to hear Bishop Oxnam say that "the great need of our day is for competent laymen who will take the ideals of the Christian faith and translate them into realities of common life."

Far inland at Evanston, HI., the Methodist church's Commission on World Peace urged a complete ban on weapons of mass destruction and rebuked President Harry Truman, who has said that agreement with the Soviet Union is not worth the, paper it is written on. The commission said that the U. S. should have "faith in the pledges of other nations."

The Commission also said:

• "The present gigantic expenditures for military weapons in many countries fills us with great distress and alarm. Such programs of research and manufacture waste the natural resources of the earth. They waste the time of scientists and workers.

• "They inflame and condition the public mind, so that the use of weapons of mass destruction seems normal and a war of apocalyptic proportions is more likely.

• "Our Christian goal is a world community in which each nation will have only enough military power to maintain order within its boundaries." THE COMMISSION also spoke for a "limited but adequate police force directly under and responsible to the United Nations" which should be given the power of continuous inspection of arms.

It urged that the "church vigorously cultivate among its members the spiritual foundations of peace, a part of which is faith in the pledges of other nations."

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By Staff Writer

Though the campaign is still far in the future, political prognosticators are already making guesses a/bout next year's C-O race in Honolulu. First of all, the forecast is that Mayor John H. Wilson is almost sure to run again if his health is as good then as it is now.

Against him will be the array of candidates which has become familiar, if not formidable, in the past. That includes Ernest Heen in his own party and James Gilliland and Monte Richards of the Republicans.

But there may be new additions among the Republicans. The rumor is, for instance, that Neal Blaisdell may be a candidate if his health permits, and there are many who believe he would get his party's nomination. Senator Ben Dillingham is another rumored possibility, and talk of his candidacy for mayor is accompanied by the note that in case he runs, Richards probably won't.

Beamer for Board Milton Beamer former supervisor, who lost in the GOP primary last time to Gilliland, is reported this year to be setting his sights on a supervisorship again. The race for the seven seats on the board of supervisors, even from this distance, promises to be just as close as usual, with several former members of the board vieing with incumbents and with new competitors. So far as is known now, most of the supervisors will seek re-election, though there is talk that one freshman on the board, Sakae Takahashi, might run for the House instead. Another freshman, Dr. Samuel K. Apoliona, is reported to have told acquaintances he'll try for another term on the board and after that, if successful, he'll run for mayor. Few city hall observers, however, expect him to run as well in the coming election as he did in the last, and it is generally believed that he has lost strength rather than gained.

Mrs. Magoon May Run Of the new possibilities, one of the most formidable appears to be Mrs. Harriet Magoon, now Mayor Wilson's secretary, and a member of the Hawaii Homes Commission. Mrs. Magoon, who has been an active Democrat while avoiding clique fights that have developed in her party, is believed to carry considerable influence in all factions.

In the event of the election of both Mrs. Magoon and her brother, Milton Beamer, the board would be the scene of an unprecedented brother-sister act—with members of the team representing opposing parties.

Also said to be considering his chances for the board is Willard "Honey" Kalima, at present a member of the traffic safety commission, though he has • said that he is keeping a close eye on Leon Sterling, Sr., and if he catches Sterling letting down in service to the public, he may run against the C-C clerk again.

Kalima was defeated by Sterling in the primary of the last election after a campaign which attracted considerable attention.

Richard Kageyama, former supervisor, after remaining out of the last race, has told friends he intends to run for the board again. Mr. Kageyama's last campaign was that iff which he ran successfully for the constitutional convention, only to withdraw after he had given testimony before the un-American Activities Committee which was in direct contradiction to the oath he took as a delegate to the convention.

Does Labor Forget? Mr. Kageyama, because of the leading role he played in the unAmericans' effort to break the ILWU, is believed to be confronted with the strong opposition of organized labor—the element upon which he depended strongly in his pre-un-American successes.

Though candidates for Territorial positions are even more problematical, it is said that William Cobb, unsuccessful candidate in the last election, hopes to seek again the Democratic nomination as delegate to Congress.

It is also known, however, that Democrats have little faith in Cobb's candidacy and have approached Mayor Wilson asking him to lead the party as candidate for delegate. The representation has been that the mayor is the only man of sufficient stature to unite the Democrats and to attract the vote of labor.

It is virtually certain, sources close to the mayor say, that he will not run for that office, principally because he wishes to see his plans for the city carried to completion and his first interest is there.

Walker-Moody Didn't Allow for Protective Boards, Hirahara Says

The responsibility for the lack of boarding or other protection for street pedestrians on King St. beside the Liberty Bank demolition job (see RECORD Nov. 15) was really that of the Walker-Moody Construction Co., says Dan Hirahara of Dan's Lumber Yard, who did the job on a sub-contract.

If boards, or protective scaffolding was required, Mr. Hirihara says, such structure should have been specified in the contract when he bid on the job, but it was not.

When Hirahara got a reasonable bid on part of the job from the Windward Tractor Service, operated by Sam Chung, he sub-contracted to Mr. Chung and Chung's crew was working, he says, when the RECORD pictures were taken.

Although Mr. Hirahara told the RECORD at the time that he had a friend who was a policeman and who arranged for officers to stand guard over the job, he now says that arrangement was made by Mr. Chung. When he made the earlier statement, he was not talking for publication, Hirahara says.

Chuck Mau, who failed of confirmation to the circuit court bench, was never approached on the proposition of becoming C-C attorney—at least not by anyone from the appointing authority. Mayor Wilson. Stories in the dailies saying Mau would reject such a job were vague and misleading. He never really got the chance.

* *

Dr. H.I. Kurisaki, chairman of the walkout Democrats' Central Committee, says Lau Ah Chew is not really recognized by the national party, but continues to get mail from national headquarters only because his name hasn't been taken off the mailing list. But Dr. Kurisaki may not have heard that Lau got a letter of appreciation from William Boyle Nov. 13, well after Boyle had resigned. There are other letters, too, from national officials, that make it clear the name of "Lau Ah Chew" is something more in Washington than just another entry on a mailing list.

* *

It was a complete victory for Mayor Wilson and the civil service commission last Wednesday when the board of supervisors, in a special meeting, finally authorized the work of E. C. Gallas reclassifying firemen and police in time for them to enjoy their raises for Christmas. But the board gave in with the worst possible grace— making adoption of the Gallas measure the last of four possible moves.

"This board," says a City Hall oldtimer, "is the most meddlesome I've ever seen. Meddlesome is the word for them."

* *

Small businessmen on several streets may not know it, but they have reason to be thankful that Supervisor Sam Ichinose has a bar on River St. When a Chamber of Commerce man asked that the work of installing parking meters in the middle of town be delayed until after the Christmas shopping season, Supervisor Apoliona was all for beginning on River St. and on the perimeter of the area designated for meters.

That brought a bellow from Ichinose as follows: "I don't see why businessmen on River St. or Kukui St. don't have just as much right as those in the middle of town."

Karl Sinclair, C-C engineer, saw the point quickly and suggested that the whole thing be postponed until after New Years. But small merchants will note that the C. of C. man was asking only FOR THE MIDDLE OF TOWN.

* *

Talk of three Democratic conventions, though slightly facetious, really rises from the degree of inside splitting among the Democratic women. The original split, reflecting the standpat and walkout factions, was increased by one when the walkout women split again into cliques headed by Mrs. Thelma Monaghan and Mrs. Victoria Holt. When the two walkout groups held separate social functions on Democratic Women's Day. the split became wider, though members were induced to attend both parties. But a few days later they were at odds again and have remained generally so ever since.

* *

The incredibly bad reporting in the Star-Bulletin's story Thursday", covering the effort of the Democratic Women's Division to entertain Mrs. Oscar L. Chapman, burned the women up. The distortions, by their type, led some to believe that Riley Allen, himself, must have written the piece. Seldom has an effort been made to smear an inconspicuous member of a women's committee by the fact that the union her husband works for has been subject to action by an organization of unions with which it was affiliated. It's as far-fetched as identifying the editor of the Star-Bulletin this way: "Riley Allen is a local editor. Allen is also the last name of a pirate on the New York waterfront in the last century who committed a number of murders before he was apprehended and executed." Of course there's no connection between the two Aliens, but such distorted usage makes you think there might be.

The carelessness of the reporting (whether it had a motive or not) was reflected by the list of names of the Democratic women's committee who did NOT sign the cable to Mrs. Chapman, and the omission of the name of Mrs. John H. Wilson, one of the two women who DID sign it. The other was Mrs. Lehua Kempa.

* *

Sam Ichinose and Dr. Sam Apoliona of the public works committee, lost a few votes in the next election last Friday when they gave short shrift to a request by some Kaimuki businessmen to have 12th Ave. returned to oneway traffic. The businessmen, represented by Willard Kalima of the traffic safety commission, included lobbyists from a couple of organizations. The police and fire departments are with them, too, Kalima said, but that didn't mean anything to the two Sams who heard a little and brushed off the rest. The opposition was represented by a couple of men, too, so it wasn't an entirely one-sided move, but the victims were burning as they left.

Nearly every islander has heard of the Massie-Kahahawai case which shook the Territory and brought these islands to the brink of out-and-out commission form of government. TO OLD-TIMERS the details of the frameup of five local men on charges of raping a navy officer's wife, are already known. THE MURDER OP Joseph Kahahawai, one of the accused five, by Lieutenant Thomas A. Massie, husband of the woman; her mother, Mrs. Grace Fortescue, and two navy enlisted men, is comparable to southern lynching.

The hysteria whipped up here by racist elements, predominantly haole, to convict the five local men framed on a rape charge, later congealed into a movement—after Kahahawai was lynched— to bring "an immediate, unconditional pardon" to the four white Kahahawai murderers. One of the signers of a petition circulated for this purpose was Mrs. Geneva R. Long, wife of the present Governor of Hawaii.

The freeing of the lynchers by the then governor of Hawaii and now president of IMUA, Lawrence Judd, after they had served a one-hour detention sentence in an anteroom at historic Iolani Palace, is a fact that is recalled by islanders when they speak of double-standard justice.

These and other happeninings in the Massie-Kahahawai case are dealt with in great detail in a new 37-page pamphlet, "The Navy and the Massie-Kahahawai Case," published by the HONOLULU RECORD PUBLISHING CO., LTD. The pamphlet is illustrated with cartoons by Bill Moran, which originally appeared in the Hawaii HOCHI during the frameup and lynching of Kahahawai back in 1931 and 1932.

The pamphelt includes information from the hitherto unpublicized report of the Pinkerton Detective Agency, which clears the five local men of the rape accusation.

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Saturday, December 15 will be the day when friends of the RECORD put on the gala Hoolaulea at the Party House on Kalakaua Ave. Festivities, including a talent program, music and dancing, will start at 8 p. m..

The committee working to make this affair one of the gayest occasions of the season is composed of Cherry Takao, Helen Kanahele, Mrs. Pearl Epstein, the Rev. Emilio Yadao, Major Soeda, Castner Ogawa, Steve Sawyer, Calixto Damaso and Wilfred Oka.

Cherry Takao, in charge of the music and program for the affair, has had her Topnotchers in rehearsal for the past two months. Fannie Opiopio, who does the solo numbers, and her ukulele; Martha Makaiwi, piano; "Freckles" Hirakawa, guitar; Agnes Mayoga, guitar, and Bill Lono on bass and steel guitar, complete the aggregation of Topnotchers.

A bevy of hostesses, including Mary Mayoga, "Chichi" Pedro, Emma Kauhi, Mary DeCampo, Louisa Pedro, Jean Sadako King, Evelyn Murin, Kahala Kanahele, Virgie Santos, K. Kaipo, Diane Chung, Victoria Aneho, Lehua Kempa, Clara McShane, Agnes Kaulu and Mabel Makekao will be on hand to greet the many friends of the RECORD at the party.

Mrs. Helen Kanahele, in charge of invitations, said this week that response to the affair is most gratifying and people from all over the island of Oahu will be present to give the Hoolaulea a good send-off.

Well, if you're working, you've had your first paycheck since Nov. 1 and you've felt the bite. You are not going to benefit by it. That much is certain. But Chiang Kai-shek is going to benefit by it, because we are still spoon-feeding that moth-eaten character. And Francisco Franco, the butcher of the Spanish people, is going to benefit by it, because he is the latest sweetheart of the State Department. But more than any of these characters, the big business boys are going to benefit by what is taken out of your paycheck, because it gets into their pockets sooner or later in the form of contracts for tanks, airplanes, guns and machinery of war.

—ILWU Dispatcher

[PAGE 5] [back to the top]

Four motions for separate trials, four motions to dismiss the indictment and one motion for a bill of particulars were filed last week by Myer C. Symonds, an attorney for the seven Smith Act victims, in the Federal district court last Friday.

The defendants are charged under the Smith Act with conspiring to teach and advocate the overthrow of government by force and violence.

To Answer Motions on Jan. 15 Federal Judge J. Frank McLaughlin, who earlier had refused to disqualify himself from the trial on affidavits of defendants alleging he has bias and prejudice, set Jan. 15 as the date for the government to answer the motions. At that time the judge will set the date when hearings on motions will begin.

In their joint motion for separate trial, Koji Ariyoshi, editor, and Jack Denichi Kimoto, employe, of the Honolulu RECORD, stated that in alleged conspiracy cases separate trials are permissible and this should be granted because the government's attack against them involves issues on the freedom of the press guaranteed in the First Amendment, which do not involve the other defendants. Their motion also stated that the indictment which concerns advocacy of certain ideas and presumed future conduct "constitutes a dangerous form of prior censorship upon the press." Say Attempt to Destroy ILWU Jack W. Hall, ILWU regional director, filed a motion for separate trial "so that the issue of the rights of organized labor which do not involve the other defendants can be determined without complications, confusion and ramifications." He said in his motion that he "was included as a defendant" in the proceedings because he is ILWU regional director, "which organization is and has been under continuous attack by the administration, various powerful employers and their employer-front groups." He dealt with the history of the ILWU, what it stands for and what it has done, in great detail.

Because of his position, the indictment came as a conspiracy "to destroy the ILWU by forces like the Department of Justice, and anti-labor employer and employer-front organizations. Reinecke, Fujimoto for Separation Dr John E. Reinecke stated in his motion for separate trial that the indictment against him constitutes "a particular attack upon the principle of academic freedom." The purpose of the government's indictment against him "was and is for the purpose of intimidating teachers, educators and scholars of Communist, Marxist, socialist, liberal, pro-labor and other views odious to conservative elements," his motion said.

Charles K. Fujimoto in his motion for separate trial said that the indictment against him is to destroy "the Communist party of Hawaii as a political party" and forcing it to cease operation.

Dwight James Freeman and Eileen Toshiko Fujimoto, two other defendants, did not file motions for separate trials.

Grand Jury Selective Two motions were filed to dismiss the indictment. One challenged the makeup of the grand jury which indicted the defendants, stating that "certain defined groups" of the community were "systematically and intentionally excluded" from the grand jury list. Manual laborers of all grades below that of foreman in the sugar and pineapple industries and operatives and kindred workers and laborers were named as constituting such a group.

A motion to dismiss the Indictment said the evidence against the defendants was "illegally obtained in violation of law," and based upon hearsay and incompetent testimony, and brought out the point that the FBI agents took books and notebooks from defendants' homes without search warrants. Mr. Fujimoto said in the motion that the telephone in hishome was tapped by agents of the FBI, that the public utilities commission found an extra wire leading to the pole which kept it constantly alive, and even when nob in use, picked up conversations in the vicinity.

He also said that the Mutual Telephone Co. had charged an A. N. & S. Trading Co. in the Dillingham Building for hooking up the additional line and that the company "is fictitious and the additional line was paid for by the FBI."

Cleveland (FP)—An immediate end to the "undeclared war" in Korea was called for in a signed editorial by President W. P. Kennedy of the Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen. The editorial appeared on the front page of Trainmen News Nov. 26.

Kennedy quoted at length from a New York Times story of Nov. 16 which reported that ever since the Communists agreed to abandon the 38th parallel as the cease-fire line, "there has been some feeling, not only within other allied governments, but within that U. S. government, that the U. S. military negotiators are quibbling over details and prolonging the discussions unnecessarily."

Blames Washington

The Times noted that when a truce finally appeared near, Secretary of State Dean Acheson attacked the Chinese Communists for conduct below the level of "barbarians" and an army colonel released a sensational atrocities story. As a result, it went on, even IT. S. officials "conceded that it might look to the world as if the U. S. was purposely trying to avoid a cease-fire in Korea."

"For a long time," Kennedy asserted, "it has appeared that those who represent the U. S. in the long, drawn-out, fruitless negotiations in Korea were getting nowhere because they were devoid of know-how. Military men around a peace table are as out of place as would be a priest pleading for more and faster divorces. Halt Blundering

"It would appear also, that the whole thing has been carelessly handled, needlessly disturbed and complicated by ill-timed, tactless, uncalled-for blasts by men in high places in Washington who will not go down in history as great conciliators."

Pointing out that over 1,350 members of the union are in uniform and that "some Brotherhood members have given their lives in Korea," Kennedy concluded:

"Of this one thing we are very sure: the American people are united in their heartfelt desire to have this blundering halted."

By Edward Rohrbough

At least two supervisors appeared to be giving a sober second thought to the board's resolution, unanimous the week before, to probe the activities of Herbert Kum as civil service chairman. Those two were Nick Teves and James Trask, who said at Tuesday's meeting they thought the mayor's veto message was justified, though both voted to table the veto until next Tuesday's meeting.

Mayor Wilson, taken suddenly ill Monday, was unable to appear to elaborate on his message, but the substance of it was that, since no concrete information had been given him, he has nothing to investigate. The campaign against Chairman Kum, which began in the pages of the Advertiser some months ago, culminated with a demand by Charles Kendall, executive secretary of the Hawaiian Government Employees Association that Kum resign. Although Supervisor Apoliona, who introduced the probe resolution, said he had information for the mayor which he had intended to give this week, he mentioned the HGEA accusation with emphasis, and it appeared that the Advertiser articles, plus Mr. Kendall's five and a half-page complaint, might easily be the burden of the "information."

Document Has Surprises The supervisors, when and if they get into the body of Mr. Kendall's document to the civil service commission, will find a surprising accusation, indeed. , Kendall, in substance, demands Kum's resignation because Kum didn't vote to suit him on the "Lee report."

It goes like this: Kendall says Kum had Lee alter certain methods in making his study. Then he says Commissioner T. G. S. Walker voted consistently for the "Lee report," and "it is only the vote of Mr. Kum and Mr. Murakami" that prevented the Lee work from being adopted as a reclassification study.

Then comes the punch: "We now say that failure on the part of Chairman Kum to go along with Commissioner Walker on our request to effectuate the Lee Report leaves us no alternative but to request his resignation from the Commission on the grounds of nonfeasance, maladministration and conduct which is unbecoming a member of such an important commission." Why didn't he ask for Mr. Murakami's resignation? Kendall excuses the junior member of the commission on the grounds that he! is inexperienced.

Error of Fact

That's the meat of Kendall's complaint, except for an innuendo that Kum has had Albert Lee's job down-graded from a CAF-12 to CAP-6, saying: "If we can believe the general sentiment around City Hall, the reason for lowering the classification is that Mr. Kum can place in this position one who is a political friend of the chairman." The emptiness of that dig at) the chairman will become obvious to the supervisors, or Mayor Wilson, or whoever cares to investigate, when it was disclosed that Commissioner Walker was the member who moved to down-grade the vacancy left when Albert Lee went into the armed services. It hasn't been filled yet.

Or perhaps, the tactics only reflect the eagerness with which Kendall leaped into the fray against Kum. It will be remembered that two years ago, together with a number of C-C department heads, Kendall viewed Kum with as much alarm as he viewed the original Gallas Report — which was largely adopted along with reforms that aided the majority of C-C workers.

Before HGEA Head

Kendall's presentation of the complaint, at a session of the commission which became quite heated, may backfire in another way. Reliable information at City Hall has it that Mayor Wilson has written a letter to HGEA President Theodore Nobriga condemning the manner in which Kendall conducted himself before the commission on that occasion. The matter is expected to get a place on the agenda of an HGEA board of directors meeting tonight (Thursday) .

In a corroborating statement, Mrs. John R. Desha, wife of the former public prosecutor, testified before the Territorial supreme court this week that Charles M. Hite telephoned her husband at home two times in 1948 when Mr. Desha was conducting investigation of the Wilder murder case. Mr. Desha told the court last week that former circuit Judge A. E. Steadman and Mr. Hite, who subsequently became public prosecutor and took charge of the case, pressured him to bring first degree murder charges against John Palakiko and James E. Majors for the murder of Mrs. Wilder. He said he received telephone calls at home from Hite and Steadman.

Hite Denies

Mr. Hite, in his testimony, first told the court that he did not talk to Mr. Desha on the case prior to his becoming public prosecutor, but later testified that he had one street-corner talk with Mr. Desha.

The supreme court is holding habeas corpus hearings in which Majors and Palakiko are seeking a new trial. They were convicted for first degree murder sentenced to hang and twice reprieved.

Both Majors and Palakiko contend that confessions were taken from them through misrepresentation and by force.

Some of the other developments in the case were these: • The court denied the defense attorney permission to put Ernest Heen, director of the Territorial public welfare department on the stand. Atty. Harriet Bouslog said that she intended to question Mr. Heen with regard to the rough handling of his son by former detective Vernal Stevens. Palakiko has testified that Stevens beat him up prior to his confession.

• The court refused the defense attorney permission to introduce contents of an FBI report on a chemical analysis made of Mrs. Wilder's clothing.

• Public Prosecutor Alien R. Hawkins said that the report on the chemical analysis of Mrs. Wilder's clothing, made to determine whether or not she had been raped, could not be found. Attorney Bouslog asked that the report be produced.

• Harry Stroup, former Advertiser reporter and presently secretary to the governor, testified that he had written a story in the March 20, 1948 issue of the paper after a press conference held by Police Capt. Eugene Kennedy. The story says that Capt. Kennedy stated that Palakiko had been held in solitary confinement at Oahu Prison from March 12 to March 17. Capt. Kennedy earlier in the hearings, testified that Palakiko was in police custody during that time, and denied making that statement.. Palakiko has testified that he was being questioned by police during this period and was again taken back to the police station later when he alleges that he was beaten by Stevens and made the confession.

[PAGE 6]

The Voice of Junior Hawaii often expresses considerably higher ideals than the voice of their elders. A good example has been the discussion on the airwaves program of that name on the question of whether or not football should be de-emphasized. A majority of kids from the local high schools say "yes," it should be. But last Thursday, when the voices of the high school principals were heard, they thought, unanimously, that football is not over-emphasized, and the listener could not help feeling they had their school budgets in the backs of their minds —except Dr. John Pox of Punahou, who put in a. strong plug for private schools as against public schools.

* *

Dr. Fox made some good points though, showing how football might be made a sport of interest] chiefly to the personnel of the schools playing and their families, if only the legislature would give public schools enough money so that they wouldn't have to make Roman holidays of their students for profit. Dr. Pox said people who feel football is over-emphasized should put pressure on the legislature for more money for public schools. What Dr. Fox advocated was political action.

* *

"Is Christmas too much commercialized ? "

That was the question Hawaii's juniors discussed last Thursday, and again they brought up opinions their elders would do well to heed. A Miss Villanueva stated the case best for the majority— who said that "yes," Christmas is over-commercialized. The spirit of giving, she said, has been lost by those interested in the price of the gift, and it is quite clear that merchants keep their prices high until after Christmas, when the clearance sales come.

"Love with a price tag," was what one young man called the Christmas gift transaction.

Miss Beverley Bean, who argued that Christmas isn't over-commercialized, registered her chief idea in the vibrant protest: "But America's very existence is based on the profit system!"

Miss Bean's thinking was certainly not cluttered up with high Ideals, but it was essentially what the Employers Council says whenever it has the occasion.

* *

It might have been educational for all the juniors to have heard a spokesman of the retail board of the chamber of commerce tell the public works committee last Friday that 25 per cent of annual local retail business comes in the month of December.

* *

Racism from the war in Korea is seeping back into Honolulu, says a Maunakea St. businessman who tells how haole soldiers back from Korea are inclined to give local Chinese the same kind of bad time Japanese and AJAs got during World War II. The responsibility for that kind of thing— lies with someone higher in rank than the GIs, themselves.

* *

Warden Joe Harper of Oahu Prison, must have got a number of his more constructive ideas of prison reform from the experience of Warden Clinton T. Duffy of San Quentin, one who reads "San Quentin Story" is likely to conclude. A chief difference, which may be essential, is that Duffy was the son of a prison guard who knew inmates for years.

If such is the case, the drinking episode which saw six convicts here killed by drinking Ditto cleaning fluid must have been no surprise to Warden Harper. In Duffy's book, first serialized in the Saturday Evening Post in the spring of 1950, the warden tells how four convicts died and many more suffered injuries from drinking exactly the same thing. Duffy's description of the incident sounds almost exactly parallel to that of a few months ago at Oahu Prison.

* *

Wonder how Lief Erickson, Associated Press manager, rated a trip to the Mainland, starting his three months vacation, on the aircraft carrier Boxer? We thought such transportation was usually reserved for the likes of Ingram Stainback, when he was governor.

* *

A Filipino, recently naturalized, was applying for a job last week and when he had no luck, he voiced a complaint as unique as it was pathetic.

"It used to be I couldn't get a job because they said I was an alien," he said. "Now I get turned down because they say I am too old."

* *

Is it still a further breakdown of national morals, asks a wag, that corruption has even reached into the comic strips to put the taint on Dick Tracy?

* *

Officer John Wells gets the orchid of the week for giving Sen. Ben Dillingham a ticket for speeding. Not that this department has anything against the senator, but we know that takes guts, because a cop, telling of his failure to give a ticket to another notable, expressed himself this way: "I might as well give a ticket to Ben Dillingham. It wouldn't stick."

* *

The police manpower shortage, reported by Chief Dan Liu as indicated by 70 vacancies, was highlighted on Bethel St. Monday when a storekeeper, less than two blocks from the police station, called to report violence and vandalism at his place and waited an hour before an officer arrived. The cop said he'd got the call 10 minutes before on Ala Moana Blvd.

Fading To Reaction

Rather than fading away like an old soldier, Gen. Douglas Mac-Arthur is rapidly assuming the role of an apostle of reaction. It's not enough that the general has embraced Sen. Taft with enthusiasm; it appears he is now preparing to take under his wing such anti-unionists as Sen. Cain. —Rochester (N. Y.) Labor News

Law To Lawrence Judd

"Galled to the witness stand . . . former Gov., Lawrence M. Judd told Eagen (NLRB attorney) when asked if he intended, as president of the Industrial Association in Hawaii to uphold the Wagner Act, that he would obey the Wagner Act just as he obeyed the Desha bathing suit law or any other law of the land." (Honolulu Advertiser, April 23, 1937.) Of course, neither Mr. Judd nor anyone else obeyed the Desha bathing suit law, which was one of the big jokes of Hawaii.

Sheer Propaganda

Even the Washington Post, which supports President Truman fairly consistently, remarked recently that his "disarmament" plan was mainly a "play to the gallery," since it was obvious that the Soviet Union would not go along with his often repeated propaganda line. It was designed to put the Soviet Union "in the hole," the Post said, and knowing it) to be "stale" stuff, "it is hard to escape the conclusion" that the President thought that he could put it over.

"In our opinion, this is an intolerable way to conduct foreign policy, because it confuses propaganda with statesmanship," said the Post.

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New York(FP)—The Amalgamated Clothing Workers (CIO) celebrated 25 years of being in the housing business by announcing completion of its two most ambitious cooperative housing projects.

The union's first housing coop was started in the Bronx in 1926. Just finished were two $20 million low-cost housing projects in the Bronx and on the lower east side.

In 25 years of low-cost housing sponsorship, the ACW has provided homes for 9,245 persons in 2,466 units. Rentals in all buildings completed before 1946 average a little less than $12 per room per month. Rentals in post-1946 buildings average $15 a room. Equity of the tenant-cooperator averages from $500 to $650 per room.

At a union banquet Nov. 24 celebrating the anniversary, President Abraham E. Kazan of the Amalgamated Housing Corp. said:

"The fact that, after 25 years, more than 70 per cent of the original member-cooperators remain in the community, and nearly 100 young couples, children of these pioneers, have chosen to settle among them, is eloquent evidence of the continued attractiveness of the enterprises."

The dirtiest and most disgraceful aspect of the current repressionist trend, as evidenced in these cases and in the McCarran Act, is the tendency to turn a whole generation of Americans into stool pigeons.

Political prosecutions deal with men's thoughts. Such prosecutions violate the oldest traditions and arouse the deepest misgivings of a free society. To inform under such circumstances is as much a violation of conscience and moral obligation as it once was to return an escaped slave to his master. The task of tracking radicals is for dogs, not men.

—New York Compass (I. F. Stone), July 11, 1951

"The people were all slaves to their chiefs, and no man but a chief owned a foot of land, a tree, a pig, a fowl, his wife, children or himself. All belonged to his chief and could be taken at will, if anger or covetousness or lust called for them. I have seen families by the score turned out of their dwellings, all their effects seized, and they sent off wailing, to seek shelter and food where they could."

—Rev. Titus Coan, "Life In Hawaii" (1835-1881), pages 30-31

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The Matson Navigation Co., which monopolizes the carrying of surface freight between the West Coast and Hawaii, is at it again. It wants to boost freight rates, when cost of living here is unbearably high.

Matson has been making good profits and it has released news reports from time to time, stating what profits it has enjoyed.

Matson has a strong grip on the islands. The local Big Five interests that have control of Matson will not lose from the 71/2 per cent surcharge on all freight which the shipping company is asking of the Federal maritime board. The additional cost in freight will be passed on to the consumers and the profit will go to these firms.

When Matson wants to increase its freight rates, it gets the increase with the least bit of fanfare. When the longshoremen who work Matson ships want wage increases, they have a tough struggle and are occasionally forced to wage a costly strike. During the 1949 longshore strike here, which the employers forced on the dock workers by refusing to arbitrate, all the people in Hawaii suffered great losses.

At that time the employers red-baited, turned out the broom brigade to picket the union hall and did everything they could to bust the strike and lost. But even today, dock workers who load and unload cargo on Matson ships here get less pay than the longshoremen who work on Matson ships on the West Coast.

But shipping rates here and on the Mainland are the same.

Matson fattens off Hawaii trade, but the employers who control the company treat local people in a very shabby manner.

A hell of a mess with the administration imposing higher and higher taxes and still yelling that taxes must be hiked considerably next year, the corruption and graft which involve the internal revenue bureau and the Justice Department is big news.

Only yesterday another internal revenue official resigned, and he was chief counsel for the bureau. His name came up when a Chicago lawyer testified under oath before a congressional committee that two men tried to shake him down for $500,000 in proposing to "take care" of his tax troubles. The men told the Chicago lawyer that they had connection with a "clique" of influential Washington officials. Charles Oliphant, the resigned general counsel of the bureau, was named as one of these high officials.

Oliphant denied the allegations and said that attacks against him are beyond human endurance, therefore, he is resigning. From Key West, President Truman accepted the resignation.

Press reports did not mention that the President uttered the usual "regret" in accepting the resignation. Was it because, even if Oliphant's explanation were true, the President cannot even risk telling a high government official that he served the people well? In the stinking mess of fraud and corruption in his administration, how can he know who is honest and who is not?

The Only Revolution In Hawaiian History (The following is an excerpt from "Raising Cane," a brief history of labor in Hawaii, by Victor Weingarten, published by the ILWU)

When many people join together for combined action, their slightest whisper becomes a mighty roar. The natives whispered, and it thundered into the ears of the merchants and planters. Queen Liliuokalani, who had succeeded her brother, King Kalakaua, bent an ear and listened.

She heard her people demand that the constitution be amended so that property owners would not dominate the government. She heard them demand real democracy by limiting the voting to the citizens of the kingdom. Queen Liliuokalani was sympathetic to these demands.

For the first time, the planters were afraid that their viselike grip on the Territory might be loosened. They decided to act.

The lesson to learn is—beware of wild-eyed conservatives.

The businessmen formed underground organizations. They plotted a revolution. They decided to overthrow the government. They even became the revolutionists!

No kidding! The only revolution in Hawaiian history was staged in 1893 by the planters and merchants.

It must be admitted, however, that they conducted it in an orderly, businesslike fashion. First they went to the American minister and complained that their lives and property were being endangered by the Queen who had promised to "some day" amend the constitution as the people wished. Then they said that the Queen was considering allowing Great Britain to get naval rights in Hawaii. Their solution was simple.

They would organize a provisional government from the ranks of the planters and merchants. They would proclaim that the Queen was no longer in power and that their new government had taken over. The American minister would then order United States troops to land to! "preserve law and order." After a brief period, the United States could annex the islands, the businessmen would be protected and no foreign nation could gain military or naval control of the strategic territory.

Troops Landed Too Soon

The plan went off with only one small hitch. The troops were landed a day before the revolution was to take place.

Since the troops were supposed to "protect" the government and preserve law and order, there was a delicate question as to which government. So far, the Queen's was the only one in existence. The revolution had not yet started and the provisional government had not yet been proclaimed. The Queen's government wasn't supposed to be overthrown until the next day. The only threat to existing law and order could come from the revolutionists.

The problem was speedily solved. American sailors and marines, 154 of them led by 10 officers and supported by two light cannon, took up posts near the Queen's palace. The next day the revolutionists proclaimed that a new provisional government had taken over and that Queen Liliuokalani was no more. They promptly appealed to the American minister for recognition and just as promptly received it.

Only one shot was fired—a supporter of the new government shot a native policeman.

Crowbar Couldn't Pry Planters and Associates Loose

In the face of the recognition of the new government by the United States minister and the landing without her authorization of the American troops, Liliuokalani signed a declaration saying she yielded "to the superior force of the United States of America, whose minister . . . has caused United States troops to be landed at Honolulu and declared that he would support the said provisional government.

"Now, to avoid any collision of armed forces and perhaps the loss of life, I do, under this protest, and impelled by said force, yield my authority until such time as the Government of the United States shall, upon the facts presented to it, undo the action of its representative and reinstate me in the authority which I claim as the constitutional sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands."

Poor Liliuokalani was never reinstated. Once the planters and their associates plunked down on the seat of government, a crowbar couldn't pry them loose.

With Liliuokalani read out of office and life once more safe for the planters, their thoughts turned to ways of making it more profitable.

BY Frank Marshall Davis

Freedom for Dubois

The door to national sanity was opened a little way when Federal District Judge Mathew F. McGuire threw out charges against Dr. W. E. B. DuBois, one of America's most distinguished citizens, and four associates in the Peace Information Center.

What this means is that it is not yet a criminal offense to fight for world peace in a nation which insists before the world that it is for peace, really it is! It means further, that there is another name added to the small but stalwart group of judges who have faith in the Constitution and will not be subservient errand boys for the Department of Justice.

One of 10 Greatest Living Americans

Less than half a dozen years ago, Dr. DuBois was listed by a national magazine as one of the 10 greatest living Americans. Now in his 80s, he is the dean of Negro intellectuals, a founder of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and first editor of the Crisis magazine, and a former U. S. minister to Liberia. Author, educator, sociologist, historian and humanitarian, most of his adult life has been spent fighting against discrimination and for the freedom of Asia, Africa and all colonial and oppressed peoples.

If our Justice Department had been able to convict a man of his world stature, it would have been a tremendous victory for those evil forces pushing us into World War III. With Dr. DuBois behind bars, we ordinary people who want to save ourselves from the horrors of atomic warfare would face a similar fate whenever we dared open our mouths.

Dr. DuBois has brilliantly shown that the fight for peace is part of the fight for full equality for all humanity and against colonialism and discrimination. We cannot have world peace and at the same time prop up dying empires and arm them to suppress subject peoples determined to win control of their own destinies.

Millions Regard American Democracy "On Trial"

His indictment and persecution stirred not only Americans, but leaders in other lands. One of these is Nmandi Azikewe of Nigeria, president of the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons, publisher of a half-dozen dailies in Nigeria and recognized as one of the world leaders in the fight against colonialism. In a four page cablegram to President Truman just before the trial started Nov. 7, Azikewe asked:

"On behalf of millions of Africans who support our struggle for, freedom from colonial bondage, we respectfully implore you to temper justice with mercy as Dr. W. E. B. DuBois stands trial.

"We wish with due deference to make it clear that Dr. DuBois is held in high esteem and veneration in this part of the world and we regard him as a fellow crusader for human rights.

"We, the millions of oppressed black humanity, regard the trial of Dr. DuBois as American democracy on trial."

Here at home, many leaders and organizations went on record as supporting the internationally famous scholar. Special committees for his defense were established in many cities.

It Is Up To the People

The NAACP, at its recent national convention, passed a resolution calling for an end to the persecution of Dr. DuBois. So did the national convention of the National Lawyers Guild. The International Union of Students, the South East Asia Committee, both the Iowa and Montana Farmers Unions, religious groups, leading newspapers and noted leaders including college presidents, presiding judges, ministers, fraternal leaders and others all protested to Washington.

This means that despite the hysteria whipped up in the press and Washington, despite all the activities of the thought police, fear has not yet completely shrouded the nation. There are many who win stand up, fight and speak their minds when the government tries to pull a deal as raw as that of the trial of Dr. DuBois.

Maybe a couple of years from now the Justice Department can get by with this sort of tiling. But as of now, it can't. The people are not silenced

—yet.

And yet what I have said need not be true two years from now. When you get right down to it, the deciding factor is whether we will meekly allow the ring of silence to be placed in our noses, or whether we will fight every effort to take away our liberties. That's a problem that will be solved only by you and people like you.