Our Mission

The Center for South Asian Studies at the University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa serves as an intellectual hub in the Pacific for research on and learning about a highly diverse region that encompasses Bangladesh, Afghanistan, India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Tibet, Sri Lanka, Lakshadweep, and the Maldive Islands.

March 14: Special presentation by Dr. Rajib Subba of the Nepal Government

Wednesday, March 14, 2018 at 12PM: Join the UH Center for South Asian Studies for a special presentation by Dr. Rajib Subba, Director, Communication Directorate, Police Head Quarters, Kathmandu, Nepal – Nepal Government. The presentation is titled “Seize the Tweets: Social Media for Crisis Response during 2015 Nepal Earthquake”.

Dr. Rajib Subba will talk about his research on the role of social media in crisis response particularly focused to Emergency Response Organizations (EROs) and how the Nepalese government used social media (including lessons learned) during and after the 2015 Earthquake. In Moore CLT – Room 258.

flyer for Dr. Rajib Subba talk on social media and Nepal

Call for Papers–Jan 8 Deadline: Religion and Ritual: Poetics and Performance of the Ineffable

South Asian Studies

Religion and Ritual: Poetics and Performance of the Ineffable

4 – 6 April, 2018

Annual Symposium

Center for South Asian Studies

University of Hawaii at Manoa

Deadline for abstracts – January 8th 2018

Notification of acceptance – January 22nd, 2018

Send 300 word abstract to all three of the following emails:

csas@hawaii.edu, saib@hawaii.edu, ramdas@hawaii.edu

The symposium will focus on South Asian religious and philosophical traditions and the ways in which they bring together ritual and art to conceptualize, understand, express, as well as communicate with that which they deem as the Divine, Universal Being, the Absolute (or lack thereof) etc. The symposium is particularly interested in the idea and practice of “ineffability”, the paradox of “expressing” the ineffable, with poetics of language, plunging beyond language, with music, dance, chanting, rituals, and other ways in which the ineffable is performed and experienced – intellectually, emotionally, culturally, etc. This includes issues of communal as well as personal practices that are meant to elucidate higher states of consciousness. Because many of the elements mentioned above are prevalent in a variety of other religious and indigenous traditions, comparative/ cross-cultural/ inter-religious presentations on Inter-Asia, Asia-Pacific, and other world traditions are also welcome. Such presentations can serve to place South Asia in context and connection with other regions and to promote a dialogue among world traditions.

We invite papers from scholars from all academic disciplines, performing and other artists, practitioners, filmmakers, activists, and others with critical reflections on their scholarly work as well as personal narratives surrounding the central theme. The papers can address and problematize a spectrum of topics, from ancient to modern, from textual analysis to popular depictions, from indigenous nuances to cross-cultural homogenization, from personal narratives to politics and violence. Since the Center for South Asian Studies tries to create links and flow through its annual symposia, addressing last year’s theme of “Community Building” within this year’s topic is also welcome.

Papers/creative presentations may address, but are not limited to, the following themes:

— Philosophy of the ineffable and its cross-cultural / inter-religious connections

— The power as well as inadequacy of language to express the ineffable

— Representations of the ineffable

— Storytelling and folk traditions

— Silence

— Being, Nothingness, and in the middle of it all!

— Dance, music, chanting, and other performative practices

— Literatures, theater, and film

— Ritual and worship: meaning, practice, performance

— Sacrificial, austerity

, and other practices as means for pursuing and attaining higher/altered states of consciousness

— Intimacy with God vis-a-vis mediation through religious institutes

— Individual experiences of connection with the divine as a means of connecting with each other

— Community building

— Academic/scholarly vis-a-vis personal/practitioner’s paths to understanding/experiencing religious values

— Social strata, power structures, political strategies

— Religion, ritual, and violence

— Mental and physical health and healing practices

DEC 10 DEADLINE!! J. Watumull Scholarship


Deadline: December 10, 2017

The J. Watumull Scholarship for the Study of India provides support for University of Hawai`i undergraduate or graduate students with focused and well-developed proposals to study for a minimum of two months in India. The scholarship will support students in any field, including the professional schools and community college programs.

For AY 2017-2018, students may compete for awards of up to $5,000 each. Applications for support are due December 10, 2017. The award must be used by the end of Summer 2018.  Graduate students can undertake advanced study or research at a recognized Indian institution. Alternatively, students may conduct pre-approved independent study overseen by a faculty member at UH in cooperation with a scholar in India. Applicants should review and fulfill the eligibility criteria (see below).


  • Recipients must be U.S. citizens or permanent residents.
  • Recipients will be expected to use the scholarship to support them in a pre-approved program of courses at a reputable Indian institution or collaboration with an Indian scholar.
  • Undergraduate and graduate students from any UH campus and in any degree-seeking, professional or community college program may apply.
  • Students must earn credit for their program.
  • Awards will be made on the basis of academic merit to students in good academic standing. It is expected that students will have a minimum GPA of 2.5. Consideration will also be given to service to the community and other activities and experiences of the applicant.
  • The proposed course of study must contribute to a broader understanding and deeper appreciation of Indian culture and contemporary issues. The program does not necessarily have to be directly related to the student’s major area of study, but must be approved by the student’s academic advisor.
  • Preference will generally be given to students who 1) are not in their graduating year and 2) have had no prior first-hand experience in India.
  • At the time, the program in India takes place, recipients are expected to be continuing University of Hawaiʻi students.
  • Funding shall be used to support recipients’ travel to and from India, and their day-to-day living expenses while in India.
  • Recipients must submit a written report of their experience and research objectives that were met while in India to the Foundation Scholarship Office within one month upon their return to the United States.


How to apply

  • Applicants must submit the application form.
  • Three confidential letters of recommendation including one from the applicant’s academic advisor.
  • If students are participating in a pre-approved independent study program, the recommendation letter from the academic supervisor should include information regarding the specific requirements of the applicant’s research project.
  • A 2-3-page double-spaced essay must be submitted describing what the applicant is looking forward to achieving from the study program, the applicant’s plan of study, and preparedness to complete the project.
  • Applicants must submit a one-page, detailed budget.
  • Official transcripts from UH and any other colleges attended.
  • Evidence of in-country support or sponsorship in the form of a letter of affiliation or agreement from the host institution/scholar.
  • All the application materials must be submitted directly to csas@hawaii.edu.

2017 Watumull Application – Form Fillable

Applicants are encouraged to contact the CSAS Director, Prof. Sai Bhatawadekar, at saib@hawaii.edu with any questions regarding the application process.

Fall Get-Together and Anna Stirr’s Book Launch

Please join us for our annual fall get-together on Monday, November 13th in the Tokioka Room, Moore Hall 319.

1:30-2:30 Anna Stirr will give a talk about her new book, Singing Across Divides: Music and Intimate Politics in Nepal (Oxford University Press, 2017), sponsored by the Asian Studies Program.

2:30-4:30 The Center for South Asian Studies fall get-together and book launch party will follow the talk, in the same room. Heavy pupus will be served.

South Asia Related Courses for Fall 2017


CRN Course Title Instructor
78881 ANTH 442 Globalization in the Himalayas J Brunson
79898 ASAN 611 Comparative Muslim Soc in Asia A Stirr
79410 ASAN 638 Asian Develop & Urbanization R Kwok
79564 DNCE 301 Asian Dance I
S Bhatawadekar
78831 GEOG 735 Seminar: Political Geography R Jones
79226 HIST 349 British Empire P Hoffenberg
79227 HIST 401 Hist of the Indian Ocean World N Bertz
79240 HIST 670 Topics on the Asia-Pacific War Y Totani
74715 HNDI 101 Elementary Hindi S Bhatawadekar
74716 HNDI 201 Intermediate Hindi S Bhatawadekar
76388 HNDI 301 Third-Level Hindi: Culture S Bhatawadekar
79539 IP 273B Indo-Pac Lang & Cult: Indian
(Bollywood Dance, Music, and Film)
S Bhatawadekar
79267 IP 300 History of Early India J Knutson
77846 IP 368B Intro to S/SE Asian Film: FIL D Sana
76902 PACE 412 Gandhi, King & Nonviolence B Hallett
79507 SOC 715 Current Issues in Sociology
(Sociology of Migration)
N Sharma
78973 THEA 464 Drama & Theatre of Sea & India K Pauka


The Fate of Dissent in an “Export-quality” Democracy

Originally posted on Wednesday, November 25, 2015
The Fate of Dissent in an “Export-quality” Democracy

Featured Author: Sankaran Krishna

(Originally Posted in The Wire)

In India we often indicate the superiority of a particular product (be it a pair of pants or a crate of mangoes) by referring to it as being of “export-quality.” I have often wondered whether our much-vaunted democracy is another instance of something Indian that is not really intended for domestic consumption but only to impress those outside our country. It seems we have reduced democracy to just three things: (a) the conduct of largely free and fair elections; (b) orderly transitions of power between civilian regimes; and (c) the fact that the Indian armed forces are uninvolved in politics.

When subject to a less superficial and more substantive audit, our claims to democracy falter at so many levels. Almost 70 years after independence, nearly 80% of our population remains incredibly poor, living on less than $2 a day. The degree of malnutrition among our young is the highest in the world. On the Human Development Index we are not only buried way down the list of nations, we are regressing in comparison to neighbors such as Bangladesh. What good is the right to vote if so many cannot even be sure of the next meal?

At any point in time since Independence the number of Indians in states governed by some form of authoritarian rule (Kashmir and the entire northeast come to mind) exceeds the population of many nations in this world. We claim to have freedom of press, but a study by Delhi’s Center for the Study of Developing Societies found that not one of the over 300 leading media executives and shapers of opinion was from a non-dvija background. While a rapidly rising number of authors and artistes have rightly returned their Sahitya Akademi awards in protest over the growing communalization of our institutions and public life, the murder of Dalits in broad daylight evokes barely a smidgen of protest.

It is strange that in the world’s largest democracy, any female between, say, 12 and 72 would be taking a huge risk if she were to venture out alone after dark into any of our cities. Female infanticide remains a horrendous blot on our record, while the lives of so many of the girl children who survive are marked by continuous deprivation and discrimination.

All this and more is well known, and the gap between our thin democracy and the substantive ideal remains wider than ever. In this essay, however, I would like to turn to one instance of how our democracy operates when faced with a most important and basic test: how does it treat a principled individual who happens to disagree with the state? I have in mind Dr. S.P. Udayakumar, an educator and opponent of the nuclear plant at Kudankulam in Tamil Nadu.

In the mid-1990s, Udayakumar completed his dissertation (on the politics of Hindutva and the threat it represented to our secularism) at the University of Hawai`i at Manoa. He had multiple options to work as a scholar in the United States and did so for a few years.

Udayakumar, however, was very clear that he had to return to his native Kanyakumari district to fulfill his lifelong ambition: to establish a quality school providing free education for the underprivileged. In due course, with the support of local residents and small donations from his many friends in different parts of the world, Udayakumar and his wife Meera were successfully running a school whose philosophy of education was based on Gandhian principles in the best sense of the term. Most importantly, the school catered overwhelmingly to the poor and destitute from the lowest castes– precisely the people neither India’s state nor its much-vaunted emerging market ever gave a damn about.

Once Udayakumar became conversant with the various issues surrounding the nearby Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant (KNPP), he was drawn into the movement opposing its construction and commissioning. The KNPP, like so many other projects involving India’s nuclear establishment, is marked by cost overruns, dubious safeguards, poor environmental impact assessment, corruption, secrecy, and highly inadequate crisis-management planning in the event of a disaster. As M.V. Ramana’s meticulous research in his recent book (The Power of Promise: Examining Nuclear Energy in India) has shown, our track record is one where the adverse impacts are visited disproportionately on the poor and any benefits accrue exclusively to our urban middle-classes. Udayakumar emerged as a well-informed, principled and staunch opponent of the KKNPP.

Yet, for doing that Udayakumar has had about 380 patently false cases filed against him – including charges such as sedition and “waging war against the state.” The Supreme Court recently insisted that the state government of Tamil Nadu withdraw about 140 of the cases as lacking any merit but Udayakumar continues to be hounded, with about 30 charge-sheets filed by the Police necessitating repeated appearances in court. Alongside this, his passport has been impounded; he is under continuous police and IB surveillance; and his bank accounts frozen. There is not one shred of evidence that any of his activities have been remotely against the law or the best interests of his community – and the harassment is unending. The school that he and Meera started is now down to just about 125 students and has been attacked by the usual goondas with the covert support of the local police and party hacks.

In any society, especially one that proclaims its democracy from the rooftop on every occasion, the right to dissent from the state is paramount. The Udayakumars, Teesta Setalvads, Binayak Sens and Medha Patkars of our nation are to be treasured and valued for they are the exceptions, those who despite paying an enormous personal price have continued with the struggle. Think of how many who espoused the right causes gave up after the initial onslaught of trumped-up court cases, intimidation, allegations of being unpatriotic, and harassment? And further still, how many gave up without even trying after seeing what happens to whistle-blowers in our society?

Disagreement, dissent and principled opposition to authority are the lifeblood of any democracy. The example of Udayakumar’s continued harassment and intimidation by central, state and local governments, by political parties of every hue at both New Delhi and Chennai, is proof of our authoritarian core. Next time we feel the urge to celebrate our allegedly exceptional and vibrant democracy, let us instead remember that until individuals such as Udayakumar are treated with fairness and in accord with their Constitutional rights, our democracy will be nothing more than yet another “export-quality” commodity: intended for foreign audiences but denied to those who matter within our own country.


Sankaran Krishna is Professor of Political Science, University of Hawaii at Manoa. He has written extensively on ethnic identity and conflict and identity politics in India and Sri Lanka. Prof. Krishna is the author of Postcolonial Insecurities: India, Sri Lanka and the Question of Nationhood, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999. (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2000) and Globalization and Postcolonialism: Hegemony and Resistance in the 21st Century, Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2009. He can be reached at Krishna@hawaii.edu

The Nepal Earthquake and a Pizza Party

Originally published Tuesday, July 14, 2015
The Nepal Earthquake and a Pizza Party

Ranjan Adiga

We were nearing the end of the semester at Westminster College when the earthquake struck Nepal. My students and I had planned to celebrate the final week of a tough semester with a pizza party on Monday, April 27—as it turned out, two days after the devastation. Instead of a grammar and mechanics session, we’d have a proofreading party. I volunteered to bring donuts.

The weekend before that Monday, however, turned out to be life changing. At 2 a.m., April 25, my wife, Jessica, and I found out about the earthquake that had just struck our country. We spent the next few hours glued to the internet, horrified by the images and headlines unraveling at social-media speed. After what seemed like a hundred attempts we managed to contact our families. They were safe. That instant relief turned into nagging helplessness as large parts Kathmandu collapsed into rubble. The images kept pouring in on Facebook, Twitter, Instagram. The landmarks we’d grown up around, such as the old-brick temples in Durbar Square, had collapsed into dust. Even the 213-step Dharara tower was now just a stump.

Worse affected were villages outside the capital that had simply vanished. Relying on sporadic phone calls and text messages that assured us of our family’s safety, Jessica and I lay in bed all day, scouring the internet as aftershocks kept rupturing land and lives. Meanwhile, our two-year old son Tenzing exhausted his arsenal of gestures to indicate he wanted to go out and play. He walked around carrying his tiny pair of shoes, motioned his hands to mimic the steering wheel, stood near the door with his ball while my wife and I lay immobile, numbed by shock and depression. When we finally took Tenzing out for a drive, the tranquility of suburban Salt Lake City seemed like a different planet. My privilege embarrassed me, but there was nothing I could do except take my son to the park.

Monday arrived. On my drive to work, I listened to NPR’s Morning Edition, which was my go-to station for breakfast news. Cat-Man-Do and Ne-Paul had invaded the news space in a way that I hadn’t seen or heard since I moved to the U.S. in 2003. It was surreal. Part of me was surprised that Steve Inskeep and Renee Montagne even knew that our country existed. Part of me felt guilty for thinking about such trivial things. I took the longer route just to stay with the news. When I finally reached college, I realized I’d forgotten something: donuts. I’d even forgotten to email my students to let them know that in light of the tragedy in Nepal we would have to forgo the pizza party. Class would start in half hour. It was too late to send that email. I knew my students wouldn’t mind that I’d forgotten the donuts, and maybe, they’d had a discussion in their dorm rooms to cancel the party out of courtesy.

I was wrong. I walked into the classroom greeted by stacks of pizza boxes, red cups, fizzy drinks, and cookie-brownie assortments. The students had done an excellent job with the preparation. They’d perhaps forgotten that I was from Nepal, or maybe they hadn’t caught the news, yet, or maybe they had, but didn’t know how else to respond. We had a plan, and unless we were informed to act otherwise, our job was to stick to it. America is a melting pot. Uncomfortable and inconvenient histories are left at the door. But higher education in the U.S. emphasizes critical thinking and questioning assumptions. Should I enlighten my students about a country they might otherwise never hear about? Or, start an invigorating discussion about social conscience and global citizenship? At Westminister, we have institutionalized on our campus walls the contemporary vocabulary of higher learning by enshrining words like “interconnectivity,” “global consciousness,” and “ethical awareness.” Each summer students take educational trips to Ireland, India, and Thailand and post pictures on social media, which the college proudly displays on its streaming web banner.

So I stood at the door of the classroom, wondering if I should turn this into a learning moment. “Sorry, I forgot the donuts,” I began. “Because of the earthquake.” Those who weren’t scrolling their phone screens stared back in silence. Did they know what I was talking about? “How many of you followed world news in the last two days?” I asked. A few hands went up. “Did you read about the earthquake in Nepal?” I proceeded, putting on my cheerfully inquisitive smile. One student shook her head in sympathy. I latched on to that moment. “What did you think?” I asked. After a lazy shrug, she said, “Sorry, it’s Monday morning.”

“Oh, well,” I finally said. The warm smell of cheese and marinara sauce had found our nostrils. We dug into the pizza and commenced reviewing papers about legalizing marijuana and lowering the drinking age. The students sat in groups and exchanged their laptops. They did what dutiful students would do — read each other’s papers and engage in discussions about their topics. During a short break a student even offered to drive to Dunkin’ Donuts, where they now had glazed croissants.  The proofreading party was a success. No one mentioned the tragedy again.

A version of this blog entitled, “Even an Earthquake Can’t Stir Student Empathy,” appeared in the Chronicle of Higher Education,  http://chronicle.com/article/Even-an-Earthquake-Can-t/230529/

Ranjan Adiga was born and raised in Nepal. He currently teaches English and Creative Writing at Westminster College. His works have appeared in Story QuarterlySouth Asian ReviewThe Chronicle of Higher Education, among others. He obtained his doctorate in English (Creative Writing) from the University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa in 2013.


Violence Against Women and Girls: Will the Death Penalty Solve the Problem?

Originally published Wednesday, September 18, 2013

Anchita Ghatak
We need to secure women’s and girls’ access to the streets and their right to mobility instead of asking why the Delhi gang rape moved Indians so deeply while other rapes around the country did not.

Anchita Ghatak has worked with NGOs and various development organisations and projects for more than two decades on issues of poverty and rights. Her passion is women’s rights.  With other activists, she was part of founding Maitree, which is a women’s rights network in West Bengal. She is the Secretary of Parichiti — A Society for Empowerment of Women, which works for rights of women domestic workers and girls.  Anchita also translates literary works from Bengali to English.  A Life Long Ago, which is her translation of Sunanda Sikdar’s Dayamoyeer Katha, was published in 2012 by Penguin and Zubaan.

Women domestic workers who travel to the city of Kolkata to work everyday describe different kinds of violence they face on the suburban trains that they take to and from the city. Many travel in the early hours of the morning from villages in the adjoining districts of Kolkata and start their journeys home in the afternoon. All through the day, at different times, working class women travel from the villages to Kolkata to earn their livings as domestic workers, vegetable vendors, workers on construction sites, sex workers and so on.

Domestic workers (and other women) face harassment by men on the streets as they make their way to and from the station. Male travellers grope, pinch, and push women on the trains. Suburban trains have one or two cars earmarked “ladies’ compartments,” which are meant for the exclusive use of women commuters. However, that does not automatically foster female camaraderie and solidarity. We need to remember that most public transport facilities in India are stretched beyond capacity and, most often, these women are travelling in very crowded trains. Therefore, sometimes, skirmishes break out among working-class women. Additionally, domestic workers report that most middle-class women commuters view them as interlopers and are condescending at best, if not downright offensive.

The police and railway personnel also tend to view women domestic workers as ‘illegitimate’ commuters, travelling without tickets. They often demand bribes or subject them to abuse, both verbal and physical, and to arbitrary checks of their belongings and persons. Body checks are often conducted by male personnel.  Fearing reprisals, the women rarely object.

The gang rape and subsequent death of a young woman in Delhi on December 16, 2012 has focused a great deal of attention on the issue of rape in India, in the national and international media, and also among people outside of feminist and women’s groups. An immense public outrage across the country and sustained mass protests in Delhi rattled the government enough that it appointed the Justice Verma Committee to recommend changes to the existing anti-rape law.

The issue of violence against women, both at home and outside, has been the preoccupation of women’s movements in India. Activists have repeatedly questioned the deeply ingrained patriarchal values and attitudes that are widely held across India – by the state system, educational institutions, families, communities and individuals.

Despite the widespread outcry against the Delhi gang rape and murder, very few substantive steps have been taken either by the Government of India or various state governments to ensure that crimes against women are prevented and women can move around safely. I live in Kolkata, which is the capital city of the state of West Bengal. On 7 June, 2013, a 20-year-old college student, one of the first people in her family to access higher education, was gang raped and murdered in Kamduni, which is less than 30 km away from Kolkata. This incident has created a furore in West Bengal, though it did not evoke the nationwide rage that followed the Delhi gang rape and murder.  Various rights groups have organised several protests in West Bengal.  In an instance of great personal courage, Suzette Jordan, who had been raped on Park Street in Kolkata in February, 2012, decided to ‘out’ herself in the wake of the Kamduni protests.

People expressed anger and outrage again last month when a trainee journalist was gang raped in Mumbai. That same month, the media reported the rape and murder of a young Dalit student who came to Jind in the state of Haryana to take an exam. The police and state administration tried to cover this up by claiming that the woman had committed suicide. However, activists have kept up pressure for a proper investigation.

Whether those attacked are domestic workers on their way to and from work, college students, school girls, professionals or full-time homemakers, women and girls in India have to confront various forms of violence and harassment when they are out in the streets. These forms of violence range from stares, leers, comments, catcalls, groping, touching, shoving, pushing, hitting and, of course, rape.  As a result, are there no women on the streets in India? Of course there are! Women and girls of all classes and age groups are out on the streets, parks, buses, trains, rickshaws, markets, schools, colleges, and offices. They are visible in big cities, small towns and villages. However, many codes and strictures govern the lives of women and girls both at home and outside.

One of the major reasons why girls drop out of school in early adolescence is that they are harassed by men on the streets. Families feel that it is better that girls stay at home so that no harm comes to them and the reputation of the girls and their families are not ‘ruined.’ The ‘harm’ that the families envisage is molestation and/or rape. Unfortunately, families take the girls out of school and deprive them of education in their attempt to combat this potential threat.

Street harassment is a terrifying reality in India. Everyone knows that it exists. The usual responses to street harassment are:

  • Trivialising it with the name ‘eve teasing’: Over the years, feminists have pointed out that street harassment is violence against women and not fun and games or good-natured teasing.
  • Putting the onus on women and girls: Girls and women are expected to guard their ‘dignity,’ ‘modesty,’ or ‘virtue.’  So, they are expected to dress ‘decently,’ not be out after dark, and travel in groups, if possible.
  • Underplaying the prevalence of street harassment: Law enforcers and politicians do not recognise how widely prevalent the problem is and take no steps to either prevent or punish such harassment.
  • Ignoring harassment or keeping silent about it: Most women, especially girls and young women, report that they are met with harassment practically as soon as they step out of their houses. So, they learn the fine art of ignoring such harassment, unless it really gets too much to bear. Many keep silent about it and are wary of discussing it with their parents or others in the family because they fear that talking about harassment will further compromise the restricted degree of freedom of mobility that they have.

Women are well aware that keeping quiet about harassment aids the process of normalising such violence. However, they see their silence as a strategic choice. It allows them to get on with their lives.

Confronting the harasser: This is not widespread but it is gradually becoming popular. If someone is staring, leering or passing comments, girls and women say that they outstare that person until he is forced to lower his eyes and walk away.

The aftermath of the Delhi gang rape and murder has led to many protests and discussions. Immediately after the incident, there were loud cries for death for the rapists both from different Indian politicians and the general public. Although the Justice Verma Committee Report categorically ruled out the death penalty for rapists, the Criminal Law Amendment Act of 2013 says that the death penalty may be awarded if the rapist “inflicts an injury which causes the death of the person or causes the person to be in a persistent vegetative state.” In September 2013, four men accused of the Delhi gang rape and murder of December 16, 2012 were convicted of their crimes and sentenced to death. (This sentence was awarded according to legislation that existed when the crime occurred. The new law is applicable only to crimes that occur after the law has come into force.)

It is worth noting that the Government of India announced in February 2013 that the conviction rates of rape cases show a declining trend. However, according to the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) records, the number of rape cases being reported in the period of 2009-2011 have increased. The conviction rates for rape were 44.3 percent in 1973, 37.7 percent in 1983, 26.9 percent in 2009, 26.6 percent in 2010 and 26.4 percent in 2011.

In conversations across the country, it is evident that since the Delhi incident families have become even more protective about their daughters. Speaking at a panel discussion entitled, “Pushing Boundaries: Girls and the Right to Mobility” organised by Parichiti – A Society for Empowerment of Women in May 2013 in Kolkata, the principal of an elite girls’ school in the city said that parents were now wary of letting their daughters go to college in other Indian cities.

The incidents in Kamduni and Gede in West Bengal, however, clearly show that rapists and murderers also attack women and girls who  go to school and college close to home. Rights groups are all demanding that the law enforcement machinery stop being so callous about women’s lives.

Horrified as they are by the spate of rape and murders that keep occurring, feminists are concerned that families and communities are getting more protectionist and girls and women, too, are wary of being out on the streets. Many women’s groups are working to make the point that if streets have to become safe for women and girls, they have to be out in public.  They have to go to school or college, play in parks, chat in tea stalls (as opposed to globalised coffee shops), ride buses and trains on their way to work, and go shopping, or to the cinema.

Maitree, a women’s rights network in Kolkata, organises public meetings at street corners every six to eight weeks to discuss the issue of sexual violence against women outside the home and within. Since December 2012, two young women in Kolkata have begun organising monthly ‘Take Back the Night’ gatherings in different places in the city.  The organisers have made special efforts to invite transpersons to Take Back the Night events. Organisers of Take Back the Night say that they must fight transphobia in their struggle against patriarchy and gender-based violence.  Both Maitree and Take Back the Night also make it quite clear that they are opposed to the death penalty. In recent months, feminists have made statements and written articles explaining their position opposing sexual violence and the death penalty.

The Delhi gang rape and murder case has shaken us. We can keep asking why the Delhi rape moved us so deeply while others did not or do not but those questions are unlikely to lead us to the correct answers. The challenge for women’s groups and women’s movements in India is to initiate public debates and discussions about women’s access to the streets and their right to mobility, and to ensure that the criminal justice system responds promptly whenever women are harassed or attacked in the streets. Police, administrators, professionals, communities, families and individuals need to understand that women and girls have a right to the streets.  It is not a privilege to be out in the streets but a right. There has to be a political will to create an atmosphere in the country where streets and other public spaces are not seen as hostile to women but welcoming and empowering.