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My good friend, the Reverend C. L. Franklin, all of the officers
and members of the Detroit Council of Human Rights, distinguished
platform guests, ladies and gentlemen, I cannot begin to say to
you this afternoon how thrilled I am, and I cannot begin to tell
you the deep joy that comes to my heart as I participate with you
in what I consider the largest and greatest demonstration for freedom
ever held in the United States. [Applause] And I can assure
you that what has been done here today will serve as a source of
inspiration for all of the freedom-loving people of this nation.
[Applause] [Audience:] (All right)
I think there is something else that must be said because it is
a magnificent demonstration of discipline. With all of the thousands
and hundreds of thousands of people engaged in this demonstration
today, there has not been one reported incident of violence. [Applause]
I think this is a magnificent demonstration of our commitment to
nonviolence in this struggle for freedom all over the United States,
and I want to commend the leadership of this community for making
this great event possible and making such a great event possible
through such disciplined channels. [Applause]
Almost one hundred and one years ago, on September the 22nd, 1862,
to be exact, a great and noble American, Abraham Lincoln, signed
an executive order, which was to take effect on January the first,
1863. This executive order was called the Emancipation Proclamation
and it served to free the Negro from the bondage of physical slavery.
But one hundred years later, the Negro in the United States of America
still isn't free. [Applause]
But now more than ever before, America is forced to grapple with
this problem, for the shape of the world today does not afford us
the luxury of an anemic democracy. The price that this nation must
pay for the continued oppression and exploitation of the Negro or
any other minority group is the price of its own destruction. For
the hour is late. The clock of destiny is ticking out, and we must
act now before it is too late. (Yeah) [Applause]
The events of Birmingham, Alabama, and the more than sixty communities
that have started protest movements since Birmingham, are indicative
of the fact that the Negro is now determined to be free. (Yeah)
[Applause] For Birmingham tells us something in glaring terms.
It says first that the Negro is no longer willing to accept racial
segregation in any of its dimensions. [Applause] For we have
come to see that segregation is not only sociologically untenable,
it is not only politically unsound, it is morally wrong and sinful.
Segregation is a cancer in the body politic, which must be removed
before our democratic health can be realized. [Applause]
(Yeah) Segregation is wrong because it is nothing but a new
form of slavery covered up with certain niceties of complexity.
[Applause] Segregation is wrong because it is a system of
adultery perpetuated by an illicit intercourse between injustice
and immorality. [Applause] And in Birmingham, Alabama, and
all over the South and all over the nation, we are simply saying
that we will no longer sell our birthright of freedom for a mess
of segregated pottage. [Applause] (All right) In a
real sense, we are through with segregation now, henceforth, and
forevermore. [Sustained applause]
Now Birmingham and the freedom struggle tell us something else.
They reveal to us that the Negro has a new sense of dignity and
a new sense of self-respect. (Yes) For years (Thats
right. Come a long way) [Applause] I think we all will
agree that probably the most damaging effect of segregation has
been what it has done to the soul of the segregated as well as the
segregator. [Applause] It has given the segregator a false
sense of superiority and it has left the segregated with a false
sense of inferiority. (All right) [Applause] And so
because of the legacy of slavery and segregation, many Negroes lost
faith in themselves and many felt that they were inferior.
But then something happened to the Negro. Circumstances made it
possible and necessary for him to travel more: the coming of the
automobile, the upheavals of two world wars, the Great Depression.
And so his rural, plantation background gradually gave way to urban,
industrial life. And even his economic life was rising through the
growth of industry, the influence of organized labor, expanded educational
opportunities. And even his cultural life was rising through the
steady decline of crippling illiteracy. And all of these forces
conjoined to cause the Negro to take a new look at himself. Negro
masses, [Applause] Negro masses all over began to re-evaluate
themselves, and the Negro came to feel that he was somebody. His
religion revealed to him, [Laughter. Applause] his religion
revealed to him that God loves all of his children, and that all
men are made in His image, and that figuratively speaking, every
man from a bass-black to a treble-white is significant on God's
keyboard. [Applause]
So, the Negro can now unconsciously cry out with the eloquent poet,
Fleecy locks and black complexion
Cannot forfeit natures claim.
Skin may differ, but affection
Dwells in black and white the same.
Were I so tall as to reach the pole
Or to grasp at the ocean at a span,
I must be measured by my soul
The mind is the standard of the man. [Applause]
But these events that are taking place in our nation tell us something
else. They tell us that the Negro and his allies in the white community
now recognize the urgency of the moment. I know we have heard a
lot of cries saying, "Slow up and cool off." [Laughter]
We still hear these cries. They are telling us over and over again
that youre pushing things too fast, and so theyre saying,
"Cool off." Well, the only answer that we can give to
that is that weve cooled off all too long, and that is the
danger. [Applause] Theres always the danger if you
cool off too much that you will end up in a deep freeze. [Applause]
"Well," theyre saying, "you need to put on
brakes." The only answer that we can give to that is that the
motors now cranked up and were moving up the highway
of freedom toward the city of equality, [Applause] and we
cant afford to stop now because our nation has a date with
destiny. We must keep moving.
Then there is another cry. They say, "Why dont you do
it in a gradual manner?" Well, gradualism is little more than
escapism and do-nothingism, which ends up in stand-stillism. [Applause]
We know that our brothers and sisters in Africa and Asia are moving
with jet-like speed toward the goal of political independence. And
in some communities we are still moving at horse-and-buggy pace
toward the gaining of a hamburger and a cup of coffee at a lunch
counter. [Applause]
And so we must say, now is the time to make real the promises of
democracy. Now is the time to transform this pending national elegy
into a creative psalm of brotherhood. Now is the time to lift our
nation. [Applause] Now is the time to
lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid
rock of racial justice. Now is the time to get rid of segregation
and discrimination. Now is the time. [Applause] (Now.
Now)
And so this social revolution taking place can be summarized in
three little words. They are not big words. One does not need an
extensive vocabulary to understand them. They are the words "all,"
"here," and "now." We want all of our
rights, we want them here, and we want them now. [Applause]
[Recording interrupted]
Now the other thing that we must see about this struggle is that
by and large it has been a nonviolent struggle. Let nobody make
you feel that those who are engaged or who are engaging in the demonstrations
in communities all across the South are resorting to violence; these
are few in number. For weve come to see the power of nonviolence.
Weve come to see that this method is not a weak method, for
its the strong man who can stand up amid opposition, who can
stand up amid violence being inflicted upon him and not retaliate
with violence. (Yeah) [Applause]
You see, this method has a way of disarming the opponent. It exposes
his moral defenses. It weakens his morale, and at the same time
it works on his conscience, and he just doesnt know what to
do. If he doesnt beat you, wonderful. If he beats you, you
develop the quiet courage of accepting blows without retaliating.
If he doesnt put you in jail, wonderful. Nobody with any sense
likes to go to jail. But if he puts you in jail, you go in that
jail and transform it from a dungeon of shame to a haven of freedom
and human dignity. [Applause] And even if he tries to kill
you, (He cant kill you) youll develop the inner
conviction that there are some things so dear, some things so precious,
some things so eternally true, that they are worth dying for. (Yes)
[Applause] And I submit to you that if a man has not discovered
something that he will die for, he isnt fit to live. [Applause]
This method has wrought wonders. As a result of the nonviolent
Freedom Ride movement, segregation in public transportation has
almost passed away absolutely in the South. As a result of the sit-in
movement at lunch counters, more than 285 cities have now integrated
their lunch counters in the South. I say to you, there is power
in this method. [Applause]
And I think by following this approach it will also help us to
go into the new age that is emerging with the right attitude. For
nonviolence not only calls upon its adherents to avoid external
physical violence, but it calls upon them to avoid internal violence
of spirit. It calls on them to engage in that something called love.
And I know it is difficult sometimes. When I say "love"
at this point, Im not talking about an affectionate emotion.
(All right) Its nonsense to urge people, oppressed
people, to love their oppressors in an affectionate sense. Im
talking about something much deeper. Im talking about a sort
of understanding, creative, redemptive goodwill for all men. [Applause]
We are coming to see now, the psychiatrists are saying to us, that
many of the strange things that happen in the subconscience, many
of the inner conflicts, are rooted in hate. And so they are saying,
"Love or perish." But Jesus told us this a long time ago.
And I can still hear that voice crying through the vista of time,
saying, "Love your enemies, bless them that curse you, pray
for them that despitefully use you." And there is still a voice
saying to every potential Peter, "Put up your sword."
History is replete with the bleached bones of nations, history is
cluttered with the wreckage of communities that failed to follow
this command. And isnt it marvelous to have a method of struggle
where it is possible to stand up against an unjust system, fight
it with all of your might, never accept it, and yet not stoop to
violence and hatred in the process? This is what we have. [Applause]
Now there is a magnificent new militancy within the Negro community
all across this nation. And I welcome this as a marvelous development.
The Negro of America is saying hes determined to be free and
he is militant enough to stand up. But this new militancy must not
lead us to the position of distrusting every white person who lives
in the United States. There are some white people in this country
who are as determined to see the Negro free as we are to be free.
[Applause] This new militancy must be kept within understanding
boundaries.
And then another thing I can understand. Weve been pushed
around so long; weve been the victims of lynching mobs so
long; weve been the victims of economic injustice so longstill
the last hired and the first fired all over this nation. And I know
the temptation. I can understand from a psychological point of view
why some caught up in the clutches of the injustices surrounding
them almost respond with bitterness and come to the conclusion that
the problem cant be solved within, and they talk about getting
away from it in terms of racial separation. But even though I can
understand it psychologically, I must say to you this afternoon
that this isnt the way. Black supremacy is as dangerous as
white supremacy. [Applause] No, I hope you will allow me
to say to you this afternoon that God is not interested merely in
the freedom of black men and brown men and yellow men. God is interested
in the freedom of the whole human race. [Applause] And I
believe that with this philosophy and this determined struggle we
will be able to go on in the days ahead and transform the jangling
discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.
As I move toward my conclusion, youre asking, Im sure,
"What can we do here in Detroit to help in the struggle in
the South?" Well, there are several things that you can do.
One of them youve done already, and I hope you will do it
in even greater dimensions before we leave this meeting. [Recording
interrupted]
Now the second thing that you can do to help us down in Alabama
and Mississippi and all over the South is to work with determination
to get rid of any segregation and discrimination in Detroit, [Applause]
realizing that injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.
And weve got to come to see that the problem of racial injustice
is a national problem. No community in this country can boast of
clean hands in the area of brotherhood. Now in the North its
different in that it doesnt have the legal sanction that it
has in the South. But it has its subtle and hidden forms and it
exists in three areas: in the area of employment discrimination,
in the area of housing discrimination, and in the area of de
facto segregation in the public schools. And we must come to
see that de facto segregation in the North is just as injurious
as the actual segregation in the South. [Applause] And so
if you want to help us in Alabama and Mississippi and over the South,
do all that you can to get rid of the problem here.
And then we also need your support in order to get the civil rights
bill that the President is offering passed. And theres a reality,
lets not fool ourselves: this bill isnt going to get
through if we dont put some work in it and some determined
pressure. And this is why Ive said that in order to get this
bill through, weve got to arouse the conscience of the nation,
and we ought to march to Washington more than 100,000 in order to
say, [Applause] in order to say that we are determined, and
in order to engage in a nonviolent protest to keep this issue before
the conscience of the nation.
And if we will do this we will be able to bring that new day of
freedom into being. If we will do this we will be able to make the
American dream a reality. And I do not want to give you the impression
that its going to be easy. There can be no great social gain
without individual pain. And before the victory for brotherhood
is won, some will have to get scarred up a bit. Before the victory
is won, some more will be thrown into jail. Before the victory is
won, some, like Medgar Evers, may have to face physical death. But
if physical death is the price that some must pay to free their
children and their white brothers from an eternal psychological
death, then nothing can be more redemptive. Before the victory is
won, some will be misunderstood and called bad names, but we must
go on with a determination and with a faith that this problem can
be solved. (Yeah) [Applause]
And so I go back to the South not in despair. I go back to the
South not with a feeling that we are caught in a dark dungeon that
will never lead to a way out. I go back believing that the new day
is coming. And so this afternoon, I have a dream. (Go ahead)
It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day, right down in Georgia and Mississippi
and Alabama, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave
owners will be able to live together as brothers.
I have a dream this afternoon (I have a dream) that one
day, [Applause] one day little white children and little
Negro children will be able to join hands as brothers and sisters.
I have a dream this afternoon that one day, [Applause] that
one day men will no longer burn down houses and the church of God
simply because people want to be free.
I have a dream this afternoon (I have a dream) that there
will be a day that we will no longer face the atrocities that Emmett
Till had to face or Medgar Evers had to face, that all men can live
with dignity.
I have a dream this afternoon (Yeah) that my four little
children, that my four little children will not come up in the same
young days that I came up within, but they will be judged on the
basis of the content of their character, not the color of their
skin. [Applause]
I have a dream this afternoon that one day right here in Detroit,
Negroes will be able to buy a house or rent a house anywhere that
their money will carry them and they will be able to get a job.
[Applause] (Thats right)
Yes, I have a dream this afternoon that one day in this land the
words of Amos will become real and "justice will roll down
like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."
I have a dream this evening that one day we will recognize the
words of Jefferson that "all men are created equal, that they
are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that
among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness."
I have a dream this afternoon. [Applause]
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and
"every valley shall be exalted, and every hill shall be made
low; the crooked places shall be made straight, and the rough places
plain; and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh
shall see it together." [Applause]
I have a dream this afternoon that the brotherhood of man will
become a reality in this day.
And with this faith I will go out and carve a tunnel of hope through
the mountain of despair. With this faith, I will go out with you
and transform dark yesterdays into bright tomorrows. With this faith,
we will be able to achieve this new day when all of God's children,
black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics,
will be able to join hands and sing with the Negroes in the spiritual
of old:
Free at last! Free at last!
Thank God almighty, we are free at last! [Applause]
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